Main Logo

Showing posts with label UPFA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UPFA. Show all posts

Monday, 12 November 2018

ආණ්ඩුවේ අමේෂා සංසිද්ධියක්


ආණ්ඩුවේ අමේෂා සංසිද්ධියක්



දෙරණ නාලිකාවේ දෙවෙනි ඉනිම නාට්‍යයේ ඉන්නවා අමේෂා කියා චරිතයක්. ඇගේ යෙහෙළියක් වූ නිලූ හා නිලූගේ සැමියා මේනක තරුණ අනුහස් හා අවන්ත අසමගි කිරීම සඳහා අමේෂා යොදා ගන්න සැලසුම් කරනවා. අමේෂා කියන්නෙ අවන්තගෙ අම්මා. අනුහස්ගේ අම්මා අමේෂා නොවූවත් පියා අවන්තගේත් පියා. අමේෂා ව්‍යාපෘතිය සාර්ථක වේ දැයි සමහරවිට ලබන සතියේ දී දැනගන්න පුළුවන් වේවි. දැන් පඬිපෝතකයකු කියන්න බැරි නැහැ මා බලන්නේ දෙවෙනි ඉනිම වැනි ජනප්‍රිය නාට්‍ය මිසක් ඊනියා සම්භාව්‍ය නාට්‍ය නොවෙයි කියා. ඒකට කමක් නැහැ. මා සම්භාව්‍යත් නැහැ ජනප්‍රියත් නැහැ.

Wednesday, 12 September 2012

Racism and provincial council elections

The provincial council showed that only the UPFA and the UNP could attract votes from all three communities Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim in Sri Lanka. It is said that the campaigning was racial in the eastern province and the TNA and the SLMC tried their best to woe the Tamil and Muslim voters respectively but were not very successful in their attempts. These two parties are nothing but communal parties though it is not mentioned by the so called political analysts. They are single issue parties and are confined to certain areas in the country.

The only two national parties are the UPFA and the UNP, though some insignificant political parties especially from the left claim that they are also national parties. However though they are given prominence by the media they are confined to less than 0.01 percent of the population and as far as elections are concerned they are only also ran parties. The JVP has to be satisfied with its three percent of votes and the secretary of the party with the other leaders could only say that the “real politics” whatever is meant by that is determined by the mass struggles and not by elections in the western democratic way.

As far as these parties of the “new left” are concerned they still live in the revolutionary dreams but as proved by the so called Arab Spring it is not necessary to have a local movement to instigate a “revolution” in a country and the parties such as the JVP could be used by their enemies in the capitalist world to safeguard their interests in the so called third world. The western countries have come a long way after the Russian Revolution, and now they know how to manipulate the so called working class parties to keep the capitalist system going.

The only role the JVP and their brake away groups could play is very limited and confined to being agents of the capitalists or the western powers as we see them, though it appears to be a contradiction. However, it appears to be a contradiction only from the point of view of class politics but these parties who depend on western knowledge have no alternative.

The strikes by various trade unions including that of FUTA had no say whatsoever in the elections and I wonder why the FUTA did not campaign in the provincial council elections for their six percent of the GDP for the education in the three provinces. I remember people such as Prof. Sarachchandra campaigning against the educational policies of Mr. Iriyagolla and the UNP, though both the UNP and leadership including some leaders of FUTA who wanted to contest elections from the UNP, not long ago, have forgotten the antagonisms FUTA had had with UNP administrations, and the effectiveness of those campaigns by the academics.

However, FUTA is now reduced to an organization that has to depend on the JVP and the UNP to organize their rallies thinking of an “Academic Spring” reminding us the role played by organizations that use western knowledge as formulated by the intellectuals of those countries. It is very clear the people have ignored completely the FUTA strike and their demand of the six percent of the GDP for education, in the North Central, Sabaragamuwa and the Eastern Provinces. These provinces cannot claim to have the best educational facilities in the country, and the academics whether they are intellectuals or not should be able to realize that the people have totally ignored the FUTA demand on the improvement of education. The people are smart enough to understand that in spite of the rhetoric FUTA is only after a salary increase for the lecturers and the people though they may not be intellectuals cannot be fooled by the FUTA leadership.

Leaving apart the intellectuals and other strikers it is clear that the UPFA or SLFP led alliances have become the ruling party of Sri Lanka making UNP the alternative. The SLFP led coalitions have ruled the country for more than half of the existence of the SLFP and the latter has been able to produce leaders who understand the country much better than those in the UNP. The SLFP can attract more than sixty five percent of the Sinhala Buddhists and had the SLFP leadership responsible for selection of candidates had acted differently in the Trincomalee district the UPFA could have defeated the TNA in that district.

Having consolidated their position among the Sinhala people in the country the SLFP led coalitions, though the constituents differ from one coalition to another, is now gaining the support of the Tamils also gradually. The Muslims have voted for the SLFP from the beginning but here again there appears to be a better acceptance by the Muslim community of the SLFP led coalitions. The SLFP is on the way of being a national party accepted by all the communities but they should not forget that the Sinhala people who have fought for independence from the Dutch and the English, expect the party to win total independence to the country.

Though some intellectuals and others talk of a Sinhala Buddhist Supremacy, there is nothing as such and the Sinhala Buddhists are still fighting to gain the recognition that should be given to their culture. This is totally misrepresented by the agents of the western countries whether they are Liberals or Marxists as a Sinhala Buddhist Supremacy. There is of course a western Christian supremacy in this country as could be seen in the spheres of education, economics and politics and the Muslims and the Tamils in the country also would be benefitted if we were able to defeat the western Christian supremacy. The western countries would try hard to maintain the western Christian supremacy and it is clear that at least a significant section of the Catholic and Christians among the Sinhalas have understood that the Sinhala Buddhists are not against their religion but are fighting the cultural colonialism imposed by the west. It is unfortunate that the so called intellectuals have failed to understand the difference between the culture and religion.

It is futile for the SLMC and the TNA to engage in communal politics and what they should do is to support the UPFA in the eastern province to develop the area without being agents of any foreign powers. The Tamils and the Muslims in Sri Lanka have to live with the Sinhalas and not with the Tamils in Tamil Nadu or Muslims in some other country. By recognizing the heritage of the Sinhala Buddhists in the eastern province, neither the Tamils nor the Muslims would lose their respect and they should not be misled by the struggle of the Sinhala people against the western Christian supremacy. Some Muslims and Tamils are being used by the western powers and all that the Sinhala people especially the Sinhala Buddhists expect from the former is to recognize that the Sinhala Buddhist culture though not the dominant culture is the significant culture as far as the history and the future of the country are concerned.

The Sinhala Buddhists are tolerant of other religions and other cultures and the Tamils and the Muslims in the country are better off by recognizing the significance of the Sinhala Buddhist culture than by being under the dominance of the western Christian culture imposed on us through the education and media controlled by the westerners. There are many Sinhala people who understand what is happening of the Arabic world in spite of the propaganda by the western media and what has to be recognized is that the western Christian culture is working against the humanity in general and the western Christian modernity is not the friend of the humanity in contradiction to what their intellectuals preach. The election results of the eastern province provincial council have forced the TNA and the SLMC to think differently giving up their communal politics.


Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Thursday, 20 October 2011

Why UNP lost Colombo Municipal Council

It is the UNP that captured the most number of “seats” in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) but the fact remains that though the party polled more votes than any other party it could not win at least 50% of the valid vote, forgetting such exotic figures as two third majority 65% of the vote etc. The UNP has been able to secure 24 “seats” out of 53, and even Tissa Attanayake the grand theorist of the party would admit that 24 is less than half of 53. The General Secretary of the UNP is on record saying that the UNP has commenced its journey towards victory in the Parliament having captured the Colombo Municipal Council. He has apparently said that it is the end of journey for the UPFA but what he has forgotten is that it is not even an “ambalama” in the downward journey of the UNP under non Sinhala Buddhist leadership in a cultural sense. The UNP as they say has been able to come to power in a hung council both in English and Sinhala idioms. In Sinhala they have a “hun” (hum) or skin council without flesh and the fact that Ranil Wickremesinghe had to end abruptly the press conference held to announce the names of the Mayor and Deputy Mayor elect shows that there are more internal problems that the party has to face than what Tissa Attanayake is prepared to accept. If the UNP does not take into account the changes that Sri Lankan polity has gone through as a result of the “Jathika Vyaparaya” during the last three decades in spite of the cultural changes that J R Jayawardhane was able to carry out, it will lose even the skin in time to come.

The local government elections held in three phases due to various reasons have established the SLFP led coalition as the ruling party of Sri Lanka and the other parties are being reduced to “also ran” status. I am not bothered of western type democracy which is nothing but hypocrisy, and it is time that we evolved our own methods of government without resorting to so called multiparty or dual party political systems. The enemies and also those who pretend to be friends of the SLFP are busy with pontificating Milinda Moragoda that he lost because the SLFP did not consider the so called multi ethnic factor and that the party should take multiethnic character of the Sri Lankan polity. These so called political scientists and political analysts who at one stage shouted from roof tops that the LTTE could not be defeated militarily and that no party in Sri Lanka could obtain a two third majority with the multiethnic character and the proportional system introduced by J R Jayawardhane are now being forced to admit that the SLFP polls around 65% of the vote in many electorates.

It is to the credit of the Jathika Vyaparaya that it was this movement which first said that the LTTE could and should be defeated after analyzing the role of the western forces as well as the Indian Intelligence Unit RAW, if not the Indian government, going against the wisdom of the political scientists, the political analysts, the military analysts who could be compared with those who coach others to swim without getting into the water, so called conflict analysts etc. The wisdom they wanted to pour on us was what they had obtained from the western “experts” and from the very beginning the Jathika Vyaparaya of the last three decades was not bothered of this expert opinion. The Jathika Vyaparaya was also able to show that if the SLFP or a SLFP led coalition could poll about 80% of the Sinhala vote it could obtain the two third majority which was “shown” to be elusive by the pundits who had their training at Peradeniya and other such western places. Of course the Jathika Vyaparaya had taken into consideration not only the demography of Sri Lanka but also other factors such “bonus seats” introduced by J R Jayawardhane in order to make the UNP the ruling party of Sri Lanka for ever forgetting the “anicca’ that he would have read without coming out of the Christian culture he was more familiar with.

The SLFP has now consolidated its power base among the Sinhalas especially the Sinhala Buddhists and even with people such as Sajith Premadasa and Karu Jayasuriya who are only pseudo nationalists the party has no future. People such as Dayasiri Jayasekera who was an undergraduate of the University of Colombo while I was teaching there and debating with so called political analysts who do not analyze but only describe, would have a better chance but I am not concerned with the political systems introduced by the British in the name of the democracy. My concern with the SLFP is also limited and I am only using this experience to work out a political system without political parties. The SLFP is a party driven by the people and unlike other political parties, whose policies are decided according to western theories whether liberal or Marxist, it is amenable to the public opinion and in that sense it is the “political party” of the Jathikathva though there is a contradiction here as there cannot be political parties in Jathikathva. However, contradictions are essential except in dry Aristotelian systems and we are experiencing a transitional period in the words of S W R D Bandaranaike that could prolong for another fifty years or so.

The SLFP having consolidated its position among the Sinhala people is now in the process of building confidence among the Tamils and Muslims. The CMC election result is a case in point. It is very well known that the Sinhalas are in a minority in the Colombo Municipality and everybody expected a walkover for the UNP. The Sinhalas do not constitute more than 35% of the population in the municipal areas and even if 80% of them voted for the SLFP led UPFA it would not have polled more than 28% of the vote, if some Tamils and Muslims had not voted for the coalition. In Colombo Municipal area there are many Colombians, if I may use that very apt word introduced by my friend Gomin Dayasiri, among the Sinhalas as well, and it is unlikely that they voted for the UPFA. Thus the 32.5% of the valid vote polled by the UPFA indicates that at least some Tamils and Muslims are now voting for the UPFA and at the same time UNP is losing them.

As the political pundits say traditionally the “minorities” have voted for the UNP but the CMC election results indicate that they are now turning away from the UNP. That is the reason for the defeat of the UNP at the CMC elections and even if one adds the 11.07% of the vote polled by Mano Ganeshan, the combined UNP - DPF vote comes to 54.08% which is not very impressive to say the least, having taking into consideration the Colombian factor. The SLFP led coalition having consolidated its position among the Sinhala Buddhists first, and then the Sinhala Christians has now begun to attract the Tamils and the Muslims. The ordinary Tamils and Muslims cannot expect anything from the UNP and they are beginning to realize that their future is among the Sinhalas and not among the racist Tamil leaders. The election results are a massage to the TNA as well as the western pundits who come to Sri Lanka meet a few Colombians and write unlearned thesis on the so called ethnic problem, post conflict Sri Lanka, post war situation etc., and of course to the Sri Lankan political pundits who advise Milinda Moragoda to consider the so called ethnic factor. It is a lesson to the Sinhalas as well, as the Tamils and the Muslims would unite with the Sinhalas only if the Sinhalas are united first. The SLFP led UPFA has been able to unite more than 75% of the Sinhalas around the betel leaf which symbolizes nationality at elections, and the CMC is not the beginning of the end as Tissa Attanayake envisages for the UPFA but it is not even an “ambalama” in the downslide motion of the UNP.

Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva