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Showing posts with label Sinhala. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sinhala. Show all posts

Friday, 24 July 2020

ප්‍රශ්නය කාගෙ උප්පැන්න ගැන ද?

                        

                                                 සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්

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ප්‍රශ්නය කාගෙ උප්පැන්න ගැන ද? 

උප්පැන්න සහතිකයේ ජාතිය සඳහන් කිරීම පිළිබඳ ප්‍රශ්නයක් පැන නැගිලා.  මේ ප්‍රශ්නයත් බටහිර සංකල්පවල අවුල් සහගත භාවයත් ඒ සංකල්ප සිංහලට පරිවර්තනය කිරීමේ දී ඇති වන තව තවත් අවුල් නිසාත් ඇති වන දෙයක්. අප ජීවත්වන්නේ ක්‍රිස්තියානි සංකල්ප, ප්‍රවාද ඇතුළු දැනුම්, නීතිය පමණක් නොව ආකෘති ද යොදා ගනිමින්. ලෝකයේ ම තානාපති කාර්යාල ලිපි ගණුදෙනු කරන්නේ ඉනුත් ඉංගිරිසි ආකෘතියේ. උප්පැන්න සහතිකය පමණක් නොව ගමන් බලපත්‍රය ද ඉංගිරිසි ආකෘතියේ.

Saturday, 21 March 2020

කොවිඩ් 19 ඉදිරියේ බටහිරයන් චීනුන් හා සිංහලයන්

      සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්


කොවිඩ් 19 ඉදිරියේ බටහිරයන්  චීනුන් හා සිංහලයන්



මා හිතන්නේ කොවිඩ් 19ට යම් ප්‍රමාණයකට හරි සාර්ථක ව මුහුණ දෙන්නේ ආසියාතික රටවල් කියා. බටහිර රටවලට එයට මුහුණ දෙන්නේ කොහොම ද කියන එක ගැන එතරම් අදහසක් නැහැ. අදහස් නැති නිසා අදහස් නිර්මාණය කරන්නේ යැයි කියන අය දැන් මරණය සැපක් කියල හිතනවා වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ඒත් අපට (ගුණදාස අමරසේකරට නොව) අනුව නම් ඔවුන්ට පුනබ්භවයක් තියෙනවා. අපට නම් අදහස් තියෙනවා.

Wednesday, 1 August 2018

හෝමොසේපියන්ලා හා බටහිර දැනුම


හෝමොසේපියන්ලා හා බටහිර දැනුම



ලංකාවට මිනිසුන් ඉස්සෙල්ලා ම ආවෙ කවදා ද? ඒ මිනිසුන් සිංහල ද දෙමළ ද? වගේ ප්‍රශ්න අහන කොට ප්‍රබුද්ධ බවක් පේනවා. ඇතැම් ජනමාධ්‍යවේදීන් ද ඒ ප්‍රකාශවලට වැදගත් තැනක් දෙනවා. ඒ කතා තම නාළිකාවල තලු මර මරා කියනවා. ඇතැම් මහින්දවාදිනියන් ඒ ප්‍රකාශ තම මුහුණු පොත් පිටුවල උපුටා දක්වනවා. මහින්දවාදීන්ට මා කියන ඇතැම් දේ රුස්සන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ නිසා මා කියන දෙයක් උපුටා දැක්වීමට මහින්දවාදීන් පෙළඹෙන්නේ නැහැ. මහින්දවාදීන් නොවන ඇතැම් ජාතිකවාදීන් ද එසේමයි.

Saturday, 1 April 2017

සිංහලයෝ හා ලාංකිකයෝ


සිංහලයෝ හා ලාංකිකයෝ





ලාංකිකයා යනු කවුද යන ප්‍රශ්නයට දෙන පිළිතුර කුමක් ද? අප ලාංකිකයකු හඳුනා ගන්නේ කෙසේ ද? පඬියකු අසන්නට පුළුවන් අප සිංහලයකු හඳුනා ගන්නේ කෙසේ ද කියා. සිංහල භාෂාව ලිවීමට නොහැකි සිංහලයන් සිටිනවා. වැඩි පිරිසක් නොවූවත් සිංහල භාෂාව කතා කිරීමට නොහැකි සිංහලයන් ද සිටිනවා. සිංහලයකු හඳුනා ගැනීමට ඇති නිර්ණායක කවරේ ද? සිංහලයකු වන්නේ උත්පත්තියෙන් ද? දෙමව්පියන්ගෙන් එක් අයකුවත් සිංහල නම් යමකු සිංහල වන්නේ ද? සිංහල දෙමව්පියන්ගේ දරුවන් අනිවාර්යයෙන් ම සිංහලයන් වන්නේ ද? දෙමවුපියන් සිංහල නොවීත් යමකුට සිංහල විය හැකි ද?සිංහලයන් අනිවාර්යයෙන් ම ලංකාවේ රටවැසියන් විය යුතු ද?

Friday, 3 February 2017

කලින් පැමිණියේ සිංහලයන් ද  දෙමළ ජනයා ද


කලින් පැමිණියේ සිංහලයන් ද  දෙමළ ජනයා ද



අවුරුදු හතළිස් හතකට පමණ පෙර සසෙක්ස් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ තාරකා විද්‍යා මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ පශ්චාත් උපාධිය සඳහා කටයුතු කරද්දී එහි සිටි තවත් පශ්චාත් උපාධි ශිෂ්‍යයකු වූ ජෝන් වීලර් මගෙන් ප්‍රශ්නයක් ඇසුවා. ඔහු වාමාංශික අදහස් දැරුවෙක්. මා ඒ දිනවල බිරිතානි කම්කරු පක්‍ෂයේ සසෙක්ස් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ශාඛාවේ වැඩවලටත් සහභාගි වූවා. ඒ ශාඛාවේ දේශපාලනය මෙහෙයවනු ලැබුයේ ඊනියා හතරවැනි ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ ටෙඩ් ග්‍රාන්ට්ගේ අනුගාමිකයකු වූ ඇලන් වුඩ්ස් විසින්. ජෝන්ටත් ඇලන් ඇතුලු සසෙක්ස්හි ඇතැම් කම්කරු පක්‍ෂ ක්‍රියාකාරීන්ටත් තිබූ ප්‍රශ්නයක් වූයේ ලංකාවට වඩාත් සමීප වූ වත්මන් තමිල්නාඩුවේ සිට දෙමළ ජනයා පැමීණීමට පෙර ඈතින් වූ බෙංගාලයේ සිට සිංහලයන් පැමිණියේ කෙසේ ද යන්නයි. ජෝන් පසු කලෙක කේම්බ්‍රිජ් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ පර්යේෂකයකු ලෙස සේවයට ගියා. අවාසනාවකට ඔහු අකාලයේ මිය ගියා. ඇලන් වෙනිසියුලාවේ වාමාංශික චාවේස් ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ උපදේශකවරයකු වූවා. ටෙඩ් ග්‍රාන්ට් නව සමසමාජ පක්‍ෂයේ සම්මේලනයකට පැමිණ වීසා කාලය ද ඉක්මවා ටික දිනක් අපේ ගෙදර රැඳී සිටියා. මා මේ සියල්ල සඳහන් කෙළේ මගේ මාක්ස්වාදී අතීතයත් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් වාමාංශිකයන් සිතන ආකාරයත් ගැන කීමටයි.

Sunday, 1 July 2012

Prathyaksha of the Buddha

Written by  Dr Usha Perera
Sunday, 17 June 2012 00:00


His academic career has been a colorful one with many controversies regarding his teachings and views. Those who followed his career generally fell into two main categories with them either being his ardent students or the harshest of critics. But an unavoidable truth is that whenever he makes a statement or expresses his opinion, a highly participatory and lively debate takes place with or without his participation which is an indicator of his stature. One such occurrence was the debate that followed after he wrote an essay which was published in the internet on “Quantum physics in Sinhala Buddhist Culture” in February 2012. He elaborated on the topic in an interview with The Nation.

Q.    What is the difference between classical physics and
    quantum physics?
The question needs some explanation on western science. Knowledge is created within a certain culture which can be termed as Chintana to which there is no effective translation but which is inclusive of certain attitudes, philosophy and epistology. At the end of the 15th Century in Europe a new chintana was formulated with the pioneering activities of the artists of that era such as Micheal Angelo and Leornado da Vinci which can be termed as the Greek Judaic Christian (GJC) chintana. There were a number of characteristics of this and the statue of David created by Micheal Angelo in Florence, Italy symbolizes this. Galileo and Martin Luther King were those who were born into this existing chintana of which one main characteristic was abstraction as compared to the more concrete sensory chintana of the Catholic Church.
For instance, Galileo said that it was the earth that was moving around the earth rather than the popular belief that it was the sun that moved around the earth. This is something that one cannot sense through one’s sensory perception as a person cannot actually feel the earth moving. It was the same with Newton who said that the apple falls to the ground due to gravitation and similarly we cannot feel gravitation. So these were all only stories with no proof. Later Einstein tried to prove Newton’s theory through his relativity theory. Generally all scientists, when they want to prove a point, first observe and then conduct experiments. Because they cannot experiment with the whole world they take only a sample from the population and then try to fit their findings from the sample to the whole world assuming that the world is represented in their sample which often is not. Then they do various tests to test the significance and then report their findings quoting probabilities which are not actual proof. Of course in classical physics a sample may represent the population very much more than in biological sciences, but still they are all stories which are very abstract. Even Adam Smith the scientist was very abstract in his work, which was very different to the catholic culture before the 15th Century.

Q.     How can this relate to the Sri Lankan context?
In our culture too we create stories, but ours are more individual in nature. We do not generalize as the Western culture does so with sampling. Also Sinhala Buddhists are not story tellers in a general sense. We are more concerned with acquiring knowledge through Prathyaksha which is not sensory perception as it also involves the mind. In Buddhism there are six sensory organs and not the classical five as the mind is also considered a sensory organ and with the mind we are convinced of certain things and there are certain prathyakshas which are those of the Buddha and the Arahant’s alone and we believe in them because of our Shradda. Therefore Buddhism is not a scientific religion even though many Buddhists would like to believe this as they would want to believe that what Buddha taught is very much higher than what has been taught by anyone else.

Q.     How would you explain western science?
In the West science uses induction and there are no deductions even though you have been told that we deduce answers after experimenting. For instance, if A = B = C, we would deduce that A = C. But how do we actually know that A = C and that in some part of the universe it would not be so? For instance take synergism that is being taught in universities. It says, Socrates is a man, all men are mortal, therefore Socrates is mortal. But how do we know that all men are mortal? When we say that all men are mortal we have already assumed that Socrates is mortal so it is really induction. Even Aristolean logic is induction and all classical physics is based on the GJC principle that I explained earlier.

Q.     How does quantum physics differ?
Quantum physics deal with very very tiny particles or electrons that cannot be observed. In fact the electron is only a concept, which so far has not been observed and the only observation is of its tracts. Therefore we connect these paths and say that this is the path of the electron, even though no one has even observed its travel. This was actually based on Young’s experiment where he showed that when a ray of light moves through one slit and then another, the waves intercept each other which can either enhance or destruct the waves. In quantum physics if there are two slits we don’t know through which slit the particle travels. But now all scientists have been convinced that the particle or electron travel through both slits simultaneously.
This cannot be explained using the GJC chintananya, as according to the GJC, a particle at one point cannot be at another point at the very same time and this is the crux of the problem. Aristotle didn’t know anything about this and he inducted that one particle should be at one point at one time such as if A = B, A cannot be equal to B, on which GJC chintanaya is based. Quantum physics is something that cannot be inducted. Our experience is generally with day to day things, such as this chair which is here cannot be at another place at the very same time. I cannot walk through two doors at the same time, but a particle or an electron can, as it is everywhere at the same time.
I was concerned about this issue when I was asked to teach quantum mechanics from the time I was at the University of Colombo more than 25 years ago. When we are teachers we have to think about what we are teaching and I realized that Western science such as physics, chemistry and even economics is not found in our culture. I was not of this opinion before but I began to change my mind in about 1982 or so. I realized that ours is a different culture altogether and that is why we do not have Nobel Prize winners among Sinhala Buddhists because we are not people to construct theories.

Q.     What about those scientists such as Darwin who were
    apparently against Christian teachings?
Darwin was nothing but a creationist. If we read the Bible we see that in Genesis it says God first created light, sky, earth, then trees, animals and then the man. Darwin says the same thing in a different way. In fact Darwin was a very good Christian just as Newton was and they were simply trying to find out how God created the world. But now we Buddhists are at a loss, because Buddhism is not scientific, is not induction, is not abstract but is of prathyaksha of Buddha and the Arahat’s. My first inclination was to construct theories in a Sinhala Buddhist culture. Now I realize that it is wrong I realize that we cannot create theories in our culture as ours is built on prathyaksha. Even though we realized this at some point, we still had to create stories ourselves to counteract theories coming from the West.

Q.     You mean theories regarding physics?
Yes, in physics I tried to create not so much a theory but an interpretation of quantum mechanics. Finally when I was at Kelaniya University I arrived at it, so I call it the ‘Vidyalankara Interpretation’, which is that quantum mechanics is a branch of physics that cannot be constructed in GJC Chintanaya, and the western theorists have moved away from the GJC without even realizing it just like Galileo who did not know that he was moving away from the Catholic Chintanaya. Since Westerners have created a theory that is not in their Chintanaya, they find it very difficult to come to terms with it.
Feinemann, a Nobel Prize winner said that no one can understand quantum physics, but we, Sinhala Buddhists can understand how a particle can be at two or more different places at the very same time because we have such stories in our literature of Gods and Arahants being at different places at the same time. As children we have heard stories about this and also in our literature we have a logic called Chatuskoti, Tetralemma or the four fold logic which goes as if ‘A’ is true, not ‘A’ is also true, if ‘A’ is false and not ‘A’ is also false.
This is different to the Catholic Chintanaya which says that Jesus is God as well as the Son of God. Tetralemma is how we explain rebirth, which says that if one is born in the next bhava, he is neither you nor someone else. If one assumes that it is the same person, then you assume a soul, because Buddhism is a soulless doctrine. Therefore quantum physics can be explained in a Sinhala Buddhist culture but not within GJC.

Q.     What is your theory on the creation of the universe?
In Buddhism we don’t say that the universe started from a single point. We theorize that it expands and contracts and that it goes on without ending. In the western theory there may not be a creator but there is a creation. Similarly Buddhists should also be able to theorize according to their belief or so I thought about two years ago.

Q.     What do you mean?
Now I feel that constructing theories is not in a Buddhist culture as Buddhism is not inductive, and it is not prathyaksha and that it is through bhavana (meditation) that we can obtain knowledge. Of course bhavana is ultimately not meant to attain knowledge but is to attain nibbana, but this comes as a bonus. I know of certain doctors who treat through nila vedakama and who have contacts with gods and have gained knowledge through meditation. I have taken treatment from them on several occasions where I have been completely cured. This is true prathyaksha. They treat a person on an individual basis and not as a sample.

Q.     So you don’t believe that theories should be constructed in a Sinhala Buddhist culture?
Yes, I believe that Sinhala Buddhists cannot create theories, but having said that there are times that we have to have our own theories to counteract other people’s theories as you can’t tell them “this is my prathyaksha, you either believe it or not”. So because of that only I may create theories even though it is not quite correct as the correct way is to attain the knowledge through bhavana. Consequently I have done two things. One is giving a new interpretation to quantum mechanics within a Sinhala Buddhist culture through the four fold theory. Secondly I have constructed a theory of the universe – that it is expanding and contracting. Fifteen years ago an American group and an Australian group found that the universe was expanding and expanding with acceleration. I did this with the help of two of my students, Wasantha Katugampola and P Hemantha. They are both just about to submit their PhD’s. The theory is not very revolutionary, but we took Einstein’s theory and applied it in a different way.

Q.     Can you elaborate on the theory?
The most important thing is that energy, we all know, cannot be either destroyed or created and one can only convert it into different forms. Space time energy also can be converted into different types, and the universe is expanding with acceleration due to space time energy. We Sinhala Buddhists know space time energy as Viswa Shakthi. Finally it will reach a point where instead of acceleration there will be deceleration and there will be a standstill and finally contract. This is the Buddhist view of the universe.  In the Aganna Sutra which spells out the prathyaksha of Buddha it says that the universe is constantly being Sanvatta and Vivatta which translates into acceleration and deceleration. So even though we theorize, it is really again not theory as it is the Prathyaksha of Buddha, and I would put it as the Prathyaksha of Buddha is theorized me, so that anybody who does not have prathyaksha will be able to understand.

Saturday, 26 May 2012

Why we celebrate the victory

Most of the people in Sri Lanka, I believe would celebrate the victory of the armed forces over Tamil terrorism, in spite of opinions expressed by some intellectuals and others who I am sure are also concerned with what is now known as reconciliation. Whatever is meant by that word which has various connotations especially with respect to the South African experience, which has no relevance to the Sri Lankan situation, there should be an understanding between the Sinhala people and others living in the country, if the children of each and every one of us are going to live peacefully in this motherland of all of us. I deliberately say between the Sinhala people and others living in the country, and not between all the communities or words to that effect, since the Sinhala people and their culture occupy a significant position in the country. If the others are not prepared to accept that then it would lead to another “war” sooner or later. The humanitarian operations had to take place due to the refusal by the Tamil Vellala leaders of the past to accept the fact that the Sinhalas and the Sinhala Buddhist culture occupy a significant position in the country.

I myself would not want the Sinhala Buddhist culture to be the dominant culture in the country as it is against Buddhist principles. It has to be emphasized though the western countries pretend to be secular Christian cultures are their dominant cultures. Though the western political scientists and other social scientists try to deceive the rest of the world by claiming that the western states are secular it is not so as any of the states would defend the particular Christian culture in the country by not tolerating any other culture when they feel that their dominant culture is under threat. They would not allow practitioners of other religions to have places of worship freely as they have numerous laws to obstruct the construction of such places of worship. In some of these Christian countries Muslim women are not allowed to wear their traditional dress for the flimsy reason that the human rights of other people to recognize these women are violated! As we have mentioned previously in so called Monarchies the Kings or the Queens are Christian England being the worst country in this respect, with the head of the state being the head of the Church as well. Still the political scientists of the western countries would say that the Church is separated from the State.

The Christian culture is not only the dominant culture of the western countries but for all practical purposes in the other countries as well. This dominance is maintained through education and media. The knowledge that is created in the western countries is Christian and we are forced to disseminate that knowledge to our students in the guise of maintaining so called international standards. The university senates have a pseudo academic freedom to teach and research according to the western standards passed on to our countries. The western social scientists would claim that the world has become smaller and that we have a global village now without mentioning that the Village Headman, a post introduced by the English, is the President of USA. They would want us to get more and more involved in the affairs of the global village, thus losing any semblance of independence that we have at present.

It is in the above background that we celebrate the victory of the armed forces defeating the Tamil terrorists. The Tamil terrorist movement was an outcome of Tamil racism that was created and nurtured by the Dutch and the English. India had a hand in creating Tamil terrorism and we know that the Indian governments had been training arming and funding the terrorist movements not only of Prabhakaran but also of Uma Maheswaran and others. It is an irony of history that Rajiv Gandhi was killed by the very same movement he and his mother had baptized and nurtured. Even the Sri Lankan President Premadasa who had supplied arms to the LTTE to fight the IPKF was assassinated by Tamil terrorism.

We are not celebrating a victory over the Tamils in this country and the vast majority of Sinhalas are in favour of the development work carried out by the government in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces as well as in the Southern Province. The victory was essentially over the westerners and of course the Indians even more than the Tamil terrorism. It was the west, namely England and Netherlands at the beginning that created, and cultivated an English educated Tamil Vellala leadership against the Sinhalas, especially the Sinhala Buddhists. The English, in particular worked in a very subtle way to give the Tamil Vellala leaders the idea that they were the leaders of the country. The Tamil leaders tried to maintain their overrepresentation in the legislature by artificial means with the English encouraging the former to do so. It is well known that the Tamil leaders such as Ponnambalam Ramanathan went before the Donomourgh commission and argued against universal franchise as they knew that in such an eventuality the Tamil leaders would never be able to have a majority in the legislature. The Tamil leaders also wanted fifty - fifty (it was not Sinhala fifty percent and the others fifty percent) thus making the Sinhala representation a minority in the legislature and finally asked Soulbury to see that the Sinhalas would not obtain a majority representation in the delimitation of Parliamentary constituencies. The English instigated the Tamil leaders and helped them whenever possible as they were determined to see that the Sinhala Buddhist culture and the Sinhala people, who were a threat to their hegemony, were degraded and weakened, if not destroyed.

The west had been supporting not only Tamil racism but Tamil terrorism as well with the help from India and was using the LTTE to establish a separate state, as they had done in many other countries in the world, Sudan being the latest example. The western agents such as Solheim and Robert Blake not to mention many other western and Indian Diplomats, wanted a separate country in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces, and we all know how desperate they were to see that Prabhakaran and the other terrorist leaders escaped to the west during the latter stages of the humanitarian operations. We know that Nambiar was attempting to bring a ship to take the terrorists to some western country or a country that supported the west against Sri Lanka. All these attempts were defeated and it was not simply the Tamil terrorists the armed forces, the Defence Secretary were fighting under the political leadership of the President.

The humanitarian operations were successful and were victorious over the powerful west, and the Indians who want to be regional leaders, and it was a victory against the establishment of a separate state. It was the only successful operation in the recent history of the world against terrorism, and who would say that we should not celebrate such a momentous victory. In fact the Tamil people also should be happy over the victory as it brought freedom to them from the yoke of the terrorists led by Prabhakaran. However, we have a long way to go in bringing peace to this country. Though Tamil terrorism has been defeated, Tamil racism has not been in spite of the fact that the Tamil leaders and the NGOs maintained by the western states have no argument against what we have to say on these matters. It is the western countries that maintain Tamil racism through the so called Tamil diaspora and some sections of the TNA. The Tamil people should not think that the western countries love them as we all know how we are treated in those countries. There is no multiculturalism in any of the countries in the world in a strong sense where all cultures are treated equally. In England and the other western countries it is the Christian Culture (though not homogeneous, and change from one country to another) that is the dominating culture, and even in Singapore it is the Chinese culture which is the dominant culture and not the Tamil Hindu culture. In India it is the North Indian Hindu culture that is dominant and not the South Indian Hindu culture nor Sikh nor Muslim culture. It is the western “intellectuals” and their henchmen and henchwomen that have made us to practise a multiculturalism that is not found anywhere in the world. The Sinhalas are very tolerant and would allow any culture to flourish provided that those who practice that culture accept that Sinhala Buddhist culture is the significant, not the dominant, culture of the country. A sensible “reconciliation” could be achieved with that kind of understanding, and fighting against western cultural economic and political colonialism collectively.


Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Saturday, 12 May 2012

The mythical ethnic problem – III

The section that was affected by making Sinhala the only official language was the then English educated Tamils and some of the English educated Sinhalas. However, since then while inciting the ordinary Tamils learning Sinhala most of the English educated Tamils who were Colombo based encouraged their offspring to learn Sinhala as well as English. Being in Colombo these children very often became more fluent in Sinhala than in Tamil, and there are many instances when the progeny of the leaders of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) or the so called Federal Party were able to gain employment in the Public Sector due to their proficiency in Sinhala. However these leaders were the very same people who from 1956 to 1970 gradually incited the ordinary Tamils against Sinhala Language, handing over the torch of hatred to the “boys” who were the children of the latter, who knew only hatred and torture.

The other “discrimination” with which the Tamil leaders went to town was University admissions, when standardisation was introduced after 1972. There was a case for standardisation at university admission even after Sinhala and Tamil had been introduced as the media of instruction in schools especially with respect to western science based faculties. It is a well known fact that especially the western science based faculties were overrepresented by Tamil students and there were various reasons brought forward to “explain” this anomaly. For example, according to reliable sources, in the late sixties the situation in the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Peradeniya was as follows:

Year of Sinhala     Tamil
admis: students students
1966           9            66
1967          23           52
1968          21           54
1969          24           51

In the Faculties of Veterinary Sciences and Dental Sciences the imbalance was more revealing.

I do not want to go into details, which were discussed even in the Parliament but it was not at all satisfactory as far as the Sinhala students were concerned to say the least, with respect to university admission when the Sinhala people constituted roughly 75% of the population. It could be argued that there were schools in Jaffna that had better facilities and that the schools in Colombo catered for both Sinhala and Tamil students, and that was the reason for the presence of large number of Tamil students in the western science based faculties. Fortunately nobody argued in public that the Tamil students were cleverer than the Sinhala students.

Even if the Tamil students had access to schools with better facilities the Sinhala students were not at fault, and the fact that the Sinhala students had no such schools for whatever the reason was a discrimination against them and it had to be corrected. On the assumption that the Sinhala students and the Tamil students were and are equal in respect of “intelligence” it was nothing but reasonable to expect the Sinhala students to comprise about 75% of the numbers in any given faculty. In order to rectify the discrimination against the Sinhala students some standardisation had to be introduced. As it was discrimination based on media the marks were standardised media wise. With media wise standardisation more Sinhala students entered the Universities and gradually the percentages of students who were admitted the Universities represented the demographical percentages.

Though many do not realize there are two standardizations that are effective even today. One is the standardisation arising out of what is known as the District Quota in the western science based faculties. University admissions are not based on what some people would like to call purely on merit as certain percentages are allocated over and above population percentages. These districts are found not only in the Southern, Uva, North Central, North Western and Sabaragamuwa provinces but also in Jaffna and Batticaloa districts. Apart from that the Z score mechanism is a subject wise standardisation to which there is no objection in general.

When media wise standardisation was introduced there was a hue and cry against what the Tamil leaders called discrimination against the Tamil students and they were very fond of claiming that a Tamil student from Jaffna had to score more marks to gain admission to the universities than a Sinhala student from Matara District. How many people realise that today because of the two standardisations in operation a student from say Matara District has to obtain more marks to gain admission to a Faculty of Medicine than a student from the Jaffna District. One could check this fact by going through the cut off points of marks for admission to different faculties released by the University Grants Commission. However, no politician would claim that as discrimination against Sinhala students and go to so called international for a rectification.

The fact is that whether in education, sports, professions or anything else in general the different communities should be represented proportional to the national demographical percentages as far as possible. However, it is well known that when the English were here physically as our rulers the Sinhala, especially the Sinhala Buddhists were discriminated against and it was reflected not only nationally but even at school levels. The School Cricket and other sports teams before the sixties were over represented by the Tamils and the Burghers and the Sinhala and Muslim students were underrepresented. I do not want to mention names but those who are over fifty years would remember this fact as far as their school cricket teams are concerned when they were at schools. Now this imbalance has been rectified and the school teams field fare numbers of Sinhala and Muslim students. There are not many Burgher students in the School sport teams and the number of Tamil students have come down drastically. However, nobody would go to so called international for a claiming that Principals, Wardens, Rectors etc. of schools are discriminating against the Tamil and an almost non existing Burgher students. One of the reasons for over representation of Tamil and Burgher students in School teams, especially in Colombo and Kandy, those days was the over representations of those communities in the school student registers. Again I do not want to come out with examples for ethical reasons.

Leave aside the School sports and look at the sport clubs in Colombo. Though people may complain that communal politics was introduced only after our limited independence in 1948, as authours such as Jane Russell, Nira Wickremasinghe and others have revealed there has been communal politics beginning from early nineteenth century. Even sport clubs were formed based on ethnicity as reflected in the Sinhalese Sports Club (SSC), Tamil Union. Moors, Burgher Recreational Club (BRC) etc. The premier grounds as far as Cricket was concerned, the Oval now named as P Saravanamuttu Cricket Grounds, belonged to the Tamil Union and all the whistle stop matches by the English (why not British, I suppose it is not cricket) and Australian cricket teams were played on these grounds at Vanatamulla. Even the School big matches between schools in and around Colombo were played at the Oval those days. However now the venue has been shifted to the SSC grounds telling us a story to be analysed in the next instalment.


Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

The mythical ethnic problem – II

It is very difficult for a weekly column to write on a topic in instalments as it has to comment on current topics as well. Recently it has become a common phenomenon to observe people coming to the roads and blocking them, setting fire to tyres and making mayhem against some or other police action. Last week at Dematagoda, people from what is known as T 20 Watte, nothing to do with cricket, blocked the Baseline Road apparently over taking some people into custody by the police. The Police claim that those who have been taken into custody are “bad boys” and an inquiry is being held. In any event twenty three have been released on bail, and the police has informed the whereabouts of the others. It is true that the Police has had not a clean track record but people protesting against is a new experience that has to be looked into by the police itself. It is a well known fact that a leading member of the Peratugamee Samajavadee Pakshaya (PSP) who had been a convenor of the illegal Inter University Student Federation was among the protesting people at Dematagoda. The PSP has no mass base island wide and has no strength to stage another 1971 or a 1987-90. It is being used by the westerners for a limited purpose as we have said on few occasions and they have been assigned the task of staging this type of demonstrations so that the police would retaliate probably with the support of the armed forces, and create “human rights violation cases”, for various human rights organisations here and abroad to protest against the government leading to economic sanctions and even perhaps to a NATO attack in the name of R2P and internationalism. There is nothing new about this internationalism as from the fifteenth century the west has taken upon themselves the burden of civilizing the non European nations, a la Macaulay. The west is now civilizing us and teaching how to be democratic and also to respect the human rights of the people. This is nothing but crab theory which in turn is crap, propagated by Macaulay’s children.

Having said that let us get back to the mythical ethnic problem. We have been asking the Tamil leaders and others who talk of Tamil grievances to spell them out for more than two decades but up to now nobody has given a convincing reply. Could at least the Indians who come to Sri Lanka on what may be called field trips and advocate devolution along so called 13 plus, inform us the problem they want to solve? If they are concerned of so called injustices then they should specify them and spell out the solution for each such injustice. In the mean time they could do something to improve the conditions of the Buddhists living in India. There are no injustices caused to Tamils by being Tamils, as poverty etc., can be found among the other communities as well. We have also remarked that more than fifty percent, some would say more than sixty percent but we will have to wait for the 2012 census figures, of the Tamils live outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces, the so called Tamil homelands, and even if more and more power is devolved to those two provinces as a solution to the “injustices”, the majority of Tamils living outside those two provinces would not be affected by such devolution of power. Thus even if one were to assume that there are injustices caused to the Tamils, devolution of power to the Northern and Eastern Provinces is not going to help to solve the problem of the injustices of the majority of the Tamils living in other parts of the country.

I will consider two “injustices” claimed by Tamil leaders. I have discussed these so called injustices for more than twenty five years, but it is good to remind the readers of the same when the LLRC report, which talks of injustices is being discussed in so called international fora. One of the “injustices” is the Official Language Act that made Sinhala the only official language of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). The other is regarding the admission of students to the Universities. Sinhala had been the official language of Sinhale for thousands of years, even if the concept was not there. There was no need to formulate such a concept as it was the only language used in matters concerning the state. Almost all the inscriptions found in the entire island including present day Jaffna are in Sinhala and it also implies that the state not only carried out its activities in Sinhala but communicated with the people also in the same, even after the twelfth century when permanent Tamil settlements were set up in Sri Lanka. Further according to late Mr. Gamini Iriyagolla, whom unfortunately even the so called patriots have forgotten, Sankili as the “king” of Jaffna signed a pact (was it a peace accord?) with the Portuguese in Portuguese and Sinhala, and not in Tamil. It is clear that Tamil had not been an official language at any time in Sri Lanka.

Incidentally we do not have to go by the Portuguese historians who refer to kings and an emperor in Kotte as we did not have an emperor at any time in our history. The Portuguese historians who could not understand the Eksesath Rajya in Sri Lanka tried to grasp the concept within their systems that had emperors and kings. It is unfortunate that the Sri Lanka historians have not made a proper study of the Eksesath Rajya, which was unique to Sri Lanka or Sinhale, and it would not be a bad idea to have an entirely new constitution along the lines of Eksesath Rajya without tinkering the present constitution and wasting time on 13 plus or minus. Eksesath Rajya is a form of unitary state, if I am to use western terminology, and it has maximum devolution as far as administrative purposes are concerned. Whether in Jaffna or Hambantota most of the difficulties arise due to the fact that the people cannot take decisions on problems affecting their day to day lives. We have to devise a way of keeping the politicians away, and giving power to the people in administrative purposes. The politicians should concentrate on policy matters and legislating at the centre, and the powers of the bureaucracy should be restricted to a minimum.

The colonial powers in the areas they controlled used Portuguese, Dutch or English as the “official language”, and under the English, their language became the official language throughout the country after 1815. Thus from 1815 to 1956 English was the official language of the country and there was an agitation commencing in the thirties of the last century to make Sinhala the official language, replacing English. With the official language act it became a reality and no injustice was done to the Tamils by making Sinhala the official language as it had been so for thousands of years before the European colonialists arrived. Tamil had never been an official language and by making Sinhala the official language the Tamils did not lose anything that they had had in the history of the country. I would argue that the ordinary Tamils who were more familiar with Sinhala than with English would have been better off at least marginally by making Sinhala the official language replacing English.

However, there was a tiny minority who were affected by this decision. They were the English educated elite, especially the English educated Tamil Vellalas who dominated the lives of the ordinary Tamils. The English educated Tamils, the darlings of the English colonialists then and now, had to get accustomed to working in Sinhala and it was they who protested against making Sinhala the official language forgetting that English was not there mother tongue. The English educated Tamils as well as those Sinhalas who opposed Sinhala becoming the official language were only playing into the hands of the English who wanted this country to continue as their best colony. It is said that when the English were being chased out by the French, the former had an idea of giving up all the colonies except Sri Lanka (Ceylon) and Trinidad. Most probably they found the best apes in the colonies among the English educated elite of those two countries. Even today some of the English educated in Sri Lanka remember with nostalgic memories that Ceylon was considered as the best colony by the English. In any event it was the English educated Tamils, if at all who were affected by making Sinhala the official language, followed by a section of the English educated Sinhala elite. They wanted to retain English as the official language for the benefit of a minority of less than six percent of the population, which they did not consider as an injustice to the Sinhala people and the Sinhala language that had been the official language of the country before the western colonialists set foot on the island.(12/04/25)


Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Monday, 16 April 2012

The mythical ethnic problem – I

According to the “accepted” version of the ethnic problem the Tamils are being discriminated by the Sinhalas or the Sinhala extremists, and injustices have been caused to the Tamils after the independence was declared in 1948. This version states the following among others. The Tamil leaders had been very patient with the Sinhala governments and after discussions had failed, as a last resort had wanted in the seventies to establish an Eelam in the Northern and the Eastern provinces, which are the homeland of the Tamils who constitute a separate nation. (This homeland is referred to as the traditional habitats in the infamous J. R. Jayawardene – Rajiv Gandhi pact signed in 1987.) The Tamils had lived in this country as permanent settlers from a very distant past going back to the time Vijaya is supposed to have come to this country. Mahavamsa is a myth that has gone to establish the Sinhala Buddhist supremacy in the country. It is considered on the same level as the Thripitaka (the three baskets of Dhamma) by the Sinhala Buddhists. The Official Language act marked the beginning of the problem while standardization scheme adopted at the admission to the Universities worsened it, after the 1972 Constitution justified the discrimination of the Tamils. Prabhakaran had no option but to engage in an armed struggle and the Tamils had been able to convince the western countries that there is a Sinhala Buddhist supremacy that discriminates against the Tamils. The human rights of the Tamils have been violated over the years culminating with the military operations that saw the defeat of the LTTE, which was a national liberation movement. The diaspora living in the western countries have been successful in convincing those countries of discriminations against the Tamils and violation of human rights, and the west has taken the issue at international fora due to humanitarian considerations. In order to solve the ethnic problem power has to be devolved to the Northern and Eastern provinces so that the Tamils could “govern” those areas looking after themselves.

What many people forget is that S J V Chelvanayakam established the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi in 1949 long before the Official Language Act and that there has been communal politics before 1948 as has been described by Jane Russell and many other authours. Even these authors only describe and do not analyse the problem, and tend to forget that as far as English colonialists were concerned it all began with the appointment of one Sinhala and one Tamil to represent the two communities Sinhalas and Tamil speaking people that included the Muslims in the Legislative Assembly ignoring the percentages of Sinhalas and Tamils of the population, history and culture of the country. At the beginning there was no Muslim representation, and when the Muslim leaders raised this matter Ponnambalam Ramanathan said he represented the Muslims as well, as they were Tamil speaking. Later English appointed a Muslim member to represent the Muslim community. The Tamil politicians and their theorists also forget that had the Dutch not imported labour for their tobacco cultivation there would not have been a so called ethnic problem. Various people claim that the problem has been internationalized recently but the problem had been internationalized from the very beginning. In fact the problem is not an internal problem as such but a problem created by the western colonialists, especially the English.

How much the west is interfering with Sri Lanka is illustrated by the report of the missing of Premkumar Gunaratnam alias Kumar Mahaththaya alias Mudalige Noel before the official inauguration of the Peratugamee Samajavadee Pakshaya formed by Janarala, a dissident group of the JVP with support from some ex members of the Trotskyite X group. The X group itself was split sometime ago, a section of members calling themselves belonging to an organisation called Peratugamee Pakshaya. It is the other section of the X group which has now decided to work with the Janarala or the dissident group of the JVP either as members or advisors and it is clear that at least the Peratugamee part of the name Peratugamee Samajavadee Pakshaya (PSP) has been given by this section of the X group. The PSP talks of Sinhala Buddhist supremacy, injustices to the Tamils caused by the Sinhala governments, advocates maximum devolution to the Northern and the Eastern Provinces, with a leading official of the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) being one of the ex X group members working with the PSP. It is the PSP that the west plans to use to create unrest, to say the least, among University Students and other youth, and with a leading official of FUTA agitating for increase of salaries of university teachers and for so called democratic rights, supported by UNP and JVP, it is not difficult to predict what these anti Sinhala organisations and individuals are up to. The PSP is doomed to oblivion in time to come the way the other Marxist Parties have gone in Sri Lanka but in the short term they would be able to create havoc in the country.

Whether Kumar Mahaththaya was abducted by the government or not what is interesting is that he has come to Sri Lanka with the “blessings” of the Australian government under the pseudonym Mudalige Noel. It is clear that the Australian government has issued the passport number N 1016123 to this Mudalige Noel knowing very well that he is Premkumar Gunaratnam. It is none other than the Australian High Commissioner in Sri Lanka who has given the details of the passport of Mudalige Noel who is supposed to be an Australian citizen. Apparently the High Commissioner has been there at the airport when Kumar Mahaththaya left for Australia in the wee hours of Tuesday. Mudalige Noel has overstayed his visa and Sri Lanka has the right to send him off without even informing the Australian High Commission in Colombo. However the million (Australian) Dollar question is what made the Australian government to issue an official passport to Kumar Mahaththaya under the name Mudalige Noel. Has he changed his name officially in Australia and if so when did the change take place? In any event Australian Federal government would have known that Kumar Mahaththaya and Mudalige Noel are the same person, and what were the reasons for the Australian High Commission not to divulge these facts to the Sri Lankan government when the latter was searching for Kumar Mahaththaya. This is only one incident regarding the behaviour of the west that has come to light in the recent past but the involvement of the west against the Sinhalas is clear from the very beginning of the colonial rule in this country.

Going back to the mythical ethnic problem what would have happened if the English governor had appointed say five Sinhala members, one Tamil member and one Muslim member as unofficial members to the Legislative Assembly in the first half of the nineteenth century. There would not have been a so called ethnic problem as the Tamil leaders would have known their position and the strength in the country. Instead what happened was that they were accustomed to the idea that the Tamils were equal in strength to the Sinhalas, if not more, and that the Muslims did not have a separate identity but were Tamil speaking people who could be represented by the Tamil leaders. From the time of the Dutch it is clear that the westerners have used the Tamil leaders against the Sinhala people, commissioning a Tamil Vellala Mudaliyar to write a so called history book by the name Yalpanam Vaipava Malai denying the Sinhala kings the right of the Eastern coast of the country, which the Dutch wanted to control. The process still continues and in between we know that the English transplanted Tamil labourers in the plantations as a buffer against any possible uprising by the Sinhala upcountry people whom they were scared of even after massacring the Sinhala leaders in the 1817 – 18 independence struggle by the Sinhalas against the English colonialists. (To be continued)- 12/04/11


Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Sunday, 22 January 2012

Thirteen minus not thirteen plus

The thirteenth amendment was forced on us by India following the infamous Indo Sri Lanka Accord, without considering the historical, cultural and geographical background and the Sinhala opinion. India for a long time had acted without listening to the Sinhala majority, without even taking into consideration the importance of Sri Lanka in respect of security of the subcontinent. Delhi listened only to Tamil Nadu, that had ulterior motives and hence to the Tamil Vellala leaders until non Vellala Prabhakaran appeared in the picture. As far as India was concerned there was repression of the Tamils by the Sinhala people but never wanted to find out the truth of the allegations made by the Vellala leaders. India should have at least learnt a lesson at the Thimpu talks that they cannot impose their views completely even on J R Jayawardhane who could not have been considered as the most ardent supporter of the Sinhala views. The delegation sent to Thimpu by the government rejected the so called Thimpu Proposals but India failed to realize that there was a Sinhala opinion in the country against devolution of power to the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the country, based on historical cultural and geographical facts. India wanted the Sinhalas to recognize that those two provinces were the historical habitats of the Tamils failing to come to terms with the fact that the two provinces were creations of the English (British Raj) and that final demarcation of the nine provinces was carried out only in 1889 three years after Ananda Vidyalaya was established, and so much for identifying the Northern and the Eastern Provinces as the historical habitats of the Tamils in the country. The term historical habitats which really meant Tamil homeland as far as the Vellalas and Prabhakaran were concerned was never acceptable to the Sinhala people.

When the Sinhala people were not prepared to accept the proposals of India to solve the so called ethnic problem India applied force on J R Jayawardhane government with what is known as Parippu or Dhal diplomacy. J R Jayawardhane who had been prepared to support the Americans and the English even against India would have been surprised to find that he did not receive any support from his allies in the west when India dropped parippu, threatening to attack Sri Lanka if the government did not obey India. English who created the problem, following the Dutch who brought the Vellaas (agricultural labourers and hence shudras in the Brahmin hierarchy – in this connection one should realize that there are Vellalas in South Africa who had been taken there by the Dutch and that they had not been elevated to a “higher caste” in that country) after 1750 for their tobacco cultivations, would not have supported J R Jayawardhane. In fact it is now known that the English and other westerners knew what India was up to in 1987 and that India decided to “invade” Sri Lanka with the blessings of the western governments.

The English elevated the Vellalas to a hierarchical position in the absence of a Brahmin class in Sri Lanka probably with Shri Arumugam Navalar providing the necessary “theoretical” background later, and used the English speaking Vellalas as a force against the Sinhalas especially the Sinhala Buddhists. Any Indian who is interested in the history of Tamils in Sri Lanka before talking of historical habitats of the Tamils should ponder on the absence of a Brahmin sect in Sri Lanka unlike in India. If the Tamils in Sri Lanka had a long history going back to thousands of years and if they had a similar evolution in Hindu culture there should have been a Brahmin caste similar to what is found in India even today. There is no Brahmin caste among the Tamils in Sri Lanka for the simple reason that there had been no Brahmins (or Tamils) before the Dutch brought the Vellalas and that the Dutch did not import any Brahmins as the latter were useless for them for their tobacco cultivation. The absence of a Brahmin caste among the Tamil Hindus in Sri Lanka also goes to establish that the Tamils Hindus in Sri Lanka do not have a very long history in this country as permanent settled residents.

In 1987 India tied down the hands of J R Jayawardhane and with tied hands he signed the Indo Sri Lanka Accord as he had no choice then. He may not have been the greatest patriot but he would not have signed the document if his hands were free. The thirteenth amendment was not acceptable to the majority of the Sinhalas, except to the NGO and Marxist pundits of many varieties and a few others in the Christian Churches of various denominations (the Marxists most probably would not call them Sinhalas but working class intellectuals). However India used its powers and the Bill was passed in the Parliament with the support of the predecessors of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). The opposition of the Sinhalas to the accord was manifested in the uprisings by them, which were made use of by the JVP that constituted mainly of Sinhala Buddhist youth in spite of their Marxist rhetoric. The JVP was crushed without India or the westerners having a moment to think of their human rights most probably because the Sinhala Buddhists have no human rights in a western Christian dominated world.

Though the thirteenth amendment is now law of the country, the majority of the Sinhala people never agreed with that, and even Chandrika Kumaratunga the pink socialist with her French connections could not implement it due to opposition of the Sinhalas. It is mainly the non implementation of the thirteenth amendment that prolonged the survival of the LTTE as in spite of their lip service to eradicate terrorism the west and India gave their tacit support to the LTTE in order to crush the Sinhala opinion. Had the Sri Lankan government implemented the thirteenth amendment which has been drafted thinking of Indian historical conditions with dynastic regimes throughout, and not of those of Sri Lanka where we had an Eksesath Rajya (a form of unitary state) from the time of King Pandukabhaya, it is very likely that Prabhakaran would have gone to Nandikadal much earlier, though Tamil racism would have survived with the support of the west. However, the Sinhalas were not prepared to devolve power in order to satisfy the Vellalas, the Indians and the west and finally it was left to President Mahinda Rajapakse to defeat the LTTE though the west opposed it. The President, it appears had been able to convince the Indian leaders that he was determined to crush the LTTE whatever opposition he may have to face. The west that could not save Prabhakaran even at the last moment is opposed to the President and they are now looking for so called evidence to punish both Messrs Mahinda Rajapakse and Gothabaya Rajapakse for the crime of defeating terrorism in Sri Lanka.

If India or any other country thinks that the Sinhala people who were and are opposed to the thirteenth amendment would agree to a so called thirteen plus in order to satisfy the Vellala leadership of the TNA then it is wishful thinking. The Sinhalas will never agree to devolving police powers and land distribution powers to the Provincial Councils and they would make the government to abolish the thirteenth amendment, if not for the problems that the government has to face. The Armed forces (Ranaviruvo) sacrificed their lives mainly against the thirteenth amendment and the question of going beyond that does not arise. The question of the thirteenth amendment was solved at “war” and militarily that legislation has been thrown into Nandikadal. What the government should have done immediately after the defeat of Prabahkaran was to bring in legislature to abolish the thirteenth amendment. It is nothing but hilarious in a way for people to talk of going beyond a legislature that has been defeated at “war”. After all “war” is nothing but politics and Cameron is now saying that there would not be any talks on Falklands. Would Churchill have agreed to discuss with Nazi supporters after the so called second world war. Would Shri Nehru have agreed to talk on Goa after the war. Wars are not outside politics and what has been decided at war can be reversed through war. The west is trying to do that by encouraging and giving support to the dispersed Tamils in the west and the TNA leaders and there are signs that the west wants another “war”, which would be a threat to India as well.

The Sinhala people realize the problems of the government and would not agitate for the abolition of the thirteenth amendment at present. However they will oppose devolution of police and land powers to the Provincial councils and definitely to a so called thirteen plus. What they could finally agree with is a thirteen minus and if the west or anybody else thinks that they could ignore the Sinhala opinion then they have not learnt any lessons.

Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Thursday, 20 October 2011

Why UNP lost Colombo Municipal Council

It is the UNP that captured the most number of “seats” in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) but the fact remains that though the party polled more votes than any other party it could not win at least 50% of the valid vote, forgetting such exotic figures as two third majority 65% of the vote etc. The UNP has been able to secure 24 “seats” out of 53, and even Tissa Attanayake the grand theorist of the party would admit that 24 is less than half of 53. The General Secretary of the UNP is on record saying that the UNP has commenced its journey towards victory in the Parliament having captured the Colombo Municipal Council. He has apparently said that it is the end of journey for the UPFA but what he has forgotten is that it is not even an “ambalama” in the downward journey of the UNP under non Sinhala Buddhist leadership in a cultural sense. The UNP as they say has been able to come to power in a hung council both in English and Sinhala idioms. In Sinhala they have a “hun” (hum) or skin council without flesh and the fact that Ranil Wickremesinghe had to end abruptly the press conference held to announce the names of the Mayor and Deputy Mayor elect shows that there are more internal problems that the party has to face than what Tissa Attanayake is prepared to accept. If the UNP does not take into account the changes that Sri Lankan polity has gone through as a result of the “Jathika Vyaparaya” during the last three decades in spite of the cultural changes that J R Jayawardhane was able to carry out, it will lose even the skin in time to come.

The local government elections held in three phases due to various reasons have established the SLFP led coalition as the ruling party of Sri Lanka and the other parties are being reduced to “also ran” status. I am not bothered of western type democracy which is nothing but hypocrisy, and it is time that we evolved our own methods of government without resorting to so called multiparty or dual party political systems. The enemies and also those who pretend to be friends of the SLFP are busy with pontificating Milinda Moragoda that he lost because the SLFP did not consider the so called multi ethnic factor and that the party should take multiethnic character of the Sri Lankan polity. These so called political scientists and political analysts who at one stage shouted from roof tops that the LTTE could not be defeated militarily and that no party in Sri Lanka could obtain a two third majority with the multiethnic character and the proportional system introduced by J R Jayawardhane are now being forced to admit that the SLFP polls around 65% of the vote in many electorates.

It is to the credit of the Jathika Vyaparaya that it was this movement which first said that the LTTE could and should be defeated after analyzing the role of the western forces as well as the Indian Intelligence Unit RAW, if not the Indian government, going against the wisdom of the political scientists, the political analysts, the military analysts who could be compared with those who coach others to swim without getting into the water, so called conflict analysts etc. The wisdom they wanted to pour on us was what they had obtained from the western “experts” and from the very beginning the Jathika Vyaparaya of the last three decades was not bothered of this expert opinion. The Jathika Vyaparaya was also able to show that if the SLFP or a SLFP led coalition could poll about 80% of the Sinhala vote it could obtain the two third majority which was “shown” to be elusive by the pundits who had their training at Peradeniya and other such western places. Of course the Jathika Vyaparaya had taken into consideration not only the demography of Sri Lanka but also other factors such “bonus seats” introduced by J R Jayawardhane in order to make the UNP the ruling party of Sri Lanka for ever forgetting the “anicca’ that he would have read without coming out of the Christian culture he was more familiar with.

The SLFP has now consolidated its power base among the Sinhalas especially the Sinhala Buddhists and even with people such as Sajith Premadasa and Karu Jayasuriya who are only pseudo nationalists the party has no future. People such as Dayasiri Jayasekera who was an undergraduate of the University of Colombo while I was teaching there and debating with so called political analysts who do not analyze but only describe, would have a better chance but I am not concerned with the political systems introduced by the British in the name of the democracy. My concern with the SLFP is also limited and I am only using this experience to work out a political system without political parties. The SLFP is a party driven by the people and unlike other political parties, whose policies are decided according to western theories whether liberal or Marxist, it is amenable to the public opinion and in that sense it is the “political party” of the Jathikathva though there is a contradiction here as there cannot be political parties in Jathikathva. However, contradictions are essential except in dry Aristotelian systems and we are experiencing a transitional period in the words of S W R D Bandaranaike that could prolong for another fifty years or so.

The SLFP having consolidated its position among the Sinhala people is now in the process of building confidence among the Tamils and Muslims. The CMC election result is a case in point. It is very well known that the Sinhalas are in a minority in the Colombo Municipality and everybody expected a walkover for the UNP. The Sinhalas do not constitute more than 35% of the population in the municipal areas and even if 80% of them voted for the SLFP led UPFA it would not have polled more than 28% of the vote, if some Tamils and Muslims had not voted for the coalition. In Colombo Municipal area there are many Colombians, if I may use that very apt word introduced by my friend Gomin Dayasiri, among the Sinhalas as well, and it is unlikely that they voted for the UPFA. Thus the 32.5% of the valid vote polled by the UPFA indicates that at least some Tamils and Muslims are now voting for the UPFA and at the same time UNP is losing them.

As the political pundits say traditionally the “minorities” have voted for the UNP but the CMC election results indicate that they are now turning away from the UNP. That is the reason for the defeat of the UNP at the CMC elections and even if one adds the 11.07% of the vote polled by Mano Ganeshan, the combined UNP - DPF vote comes to 54.08% which is not very impressive to say the least, having taking into consideration the Colombian factor. The SLFP led coalition having consolidated its position among the Sinhala Buddhists first, and then the Sinhala Christians has now begun to attract the Tamils and the Muslims. The ordinary Tamils and Muslims cannot expect anything from the UNP and they are beginning to realize that their future is among the Sinhalas and not among the racist Tamil leaders. The election results are a massage to the TNA as well as the western pundits who come to Sri Lanka meet a few Colombians and write unlearned thesis on the so called ethnic problem, post conflict Sri Lanka, post war situation etc., and of course to the Sri Lankan political pundits who advise Milinda Moragoda to consider the so called ethnic factor. It is a lesson to the Sinhalas as well, as the Tamils and the Muslims would unite with the Sinhalas only if the Sinhalas are united first. The SLFP led UPFA has been able to unite more than 75% of the Sinhalas around the betel leaf which symbolizes nationality at elections, and the CMC is not the beginning of the end as Tissa Attanayake envisages for the UPFA but it is not even an “ambalama” in the downslide motion of the UNP.

Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Wednesday, 14 September 2011

“Vedi Bana” of India

India may be a single state nominally. It claims to have a pseudo federal constitution and has a Lok Sabaha at Delhi. However are the citizens of India, Indians first and then Sikhs, Tamils, Bengalis etc., or the other way round? If not for cricket, of course introduced by the British Raj and for Hindi films is there an Indian identity as such? India which had never been a single polity until the English came to that part of the world, is ruled according to the structures introduced by the Englishmen, with the English speaking Viceroy replaced by a Hindi speaking Prime Minister. It is very unlikely that India will have a Muslim Prime Minister who cannot speak Hindi in the near future.

India has been demarcated into what are called states on linguistic basis, with each state having its own chief minister. There may be a few Tamils in Tamil Nadu such as Mr. Narayanaswamy who could think of themselves as Indians first even when India is not at a game of cricket with other countries, and then as Tamils, but the overwhelming majority of Tamils in Tamil Nadu as well as in other places in India first think of themselves as Tamils and then as Indians.

The recent death sentence given to two Tamils presumably from Tamil Nadu and one Tamil from Sri Lanka for killing Mr. Rajiv Gandhi illustrates the point. For the Tamils from Sri Lanka who were LTTE cadres or supporters, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi was the Prime Minister of India and an order from Prabhakaran was enough for them to go into action and assassinate the Indian Prime Minister. Mr. Rajiv Gandhi was from a different country, and in the eyes of the LTTE, had at that time become an obstacle to declaring an Eelam in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka. However, for the Tamils from India Mr. Rajiv Gandhi was the Prime Minister of their country and there was no need for them to support the LTTE and Prabhakaran unless they considered themselves as Tamils first and then, if at all, as Indians. It is clear that as far as the Tamils from India too were concerned Mr. Rajiv Gandhi was from a “different country” and all that they wanted was an order from Prabhakaran. In Sri Lanka the LTTE terrorists killed the Sri Lankan President Mr. Premadasa who for the LTTE was from a different country.

The question may be asked as to why the LTTE killed Sri Lankan Tamils such as Messrs. Neelan Thiruchelvam, Lakshman Kadirgamar, A. Amirthalingam, and Alfred Duraiappa. They were killed for different reasons. They were all considered as traitors though not for the same reason. According to the LTTE some collaborated with the enemy Sinhala government whereas some others were Hindu Vellalas who not only did not support the LTTE as much as the latter wanted but were also oppressors of the so called low castes. It has to be emphasized that the LTTE fought against not only the “Sinhala government” and the Sinhala people but also the Hindu Vellala leadership. The Vellalas had wanted the LTTE to fight the latter’s “war”, but the former have had different ideas from the very beginning illustrated by the killing of Uma Maheswaran by Prabhakaran.

It has not been explained adequately why the death sentence given to the three assassins of Mr. Rajiv Gandhi was postponed by eight weeks. It gives ample time for people such as Vaiko to raise public opinion against the sentence, and if he were to be successful it would create problems for Delhi. Already some of the other states have come out against some of the Tamil Nadu leaders, and it is clear that India is a pseudo federal state only nominally and very superficially.

What is clear is that India is a failed pseudo federal state in the vocabulary of the western pundits who are followed by their counterparts in India, and the irony is that India wants to impose this unsuccessful model on us using their political muscle. If not for international cricket and Hindi films there is nothing in India to unite the citizens as even Hinduism practiced in different parts of the country take different forms from worship of Shiva to worship of Vishnu through worship of Kali and others becoming dominant in different areas. The IPL has acted wisely not only in making big money but also in refusing to have teams based only on players from each state. If IPL had organized a contest between teams drawn only from cricketers from each state it would have by now grown into an inter state “war” probably leading to secession. It is very unlikely that the IPL contest was organized after taking consideration into this factor as they were only interested in attracting overseas players to earn big money. However, the conditions in India are so volatile that the Indians have failed in their attempt to establish even a stable pseudo federal state. Except for a small percentage of people educated in the English tradition and who have absorbed/imitated the English political systems into their culture, the vast majority of people consider themselves as Indians only after calling themselves Sikhs, Tamils, Gujaratis, Bengalis etc.

The unfortunate Buddhists have no place in government except for an occasional diplomat and Mr. Ambedkar would be turning in his grave for what has happened in that part of the world where Prince Siddhartha Gauthama attained Buddhathva. I am sure that in India Mr. Gautham Gambhir is known much more than Prince Siddhartha Gauthama, though the latter had been more “Gambhira” unknown to most of the Indians. Incidentally I wonder how many Buddhists have played for the Indian cricket team from the time when India (with present Pakistan and Bangladesh) was given test status. I am not asking this question to show that the Buddhists have not been given their due place in professions and government in India but to show that the Buddhists in India are a very much marginalized poor and outcast community. If not for the steps taken by Sinhala Bhikkus in our country to protect Buddha Sasana to the dismay of the westerners and their henchmen and henchwomen in the Universities and in the NGOs Theravada Buddhism would have disappeared from the surface of the Planet.

India is not a haven where different communities have equal status. It is not multicultural except in a very narrow sense of the word. Even with Cricket and Hindi films and songs, India has not been able to evolve a policy where Hindi is the official language and Hindi culture has special significance without the other cultures being ignored. Most probably the young educated would have copied western ideals without realizing that in the west it is the Judaic Christian culture which is the dominant culture and certainly not the Muslim culture. The non Hindi speaking people could say that they were taken for a ride by the central government or the Indian Prime Ministers from the time of independence. Hindu India has failed to imitate British India and without any alternative form of government India is only preaching “Vedi Bana” to Sri Lanka.

Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva