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Showing posts with label eksesath rajya. Show all posts
Showing posts with label eksesath rajya. Show all posts

Monday, 30 December 2019

ජාතික ගීය, වෙල්ලාලයන් හා ඉතිහාසය

 සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්


ජාතික ගීය, වෙල්ලාලයන් හා ඉතිහාසය



සුමන්තිරන් ජාතික ගීය කියන්නෙ නැත්නම් ඒකෙ ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැහැ. ජාතික ගීය සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ම දන්න සිංහලයන්ගෙ ප්‍රතිශතය කීයද කියල මා දන්නෙ නැහැ. අප ජාතික ගීයක් නිර්මාණය කර ගත්තෙ ඩොමීනියන් නිදහස ලැබුණට පස්සෙ. මේ නිදහස ගැනත් කතා දෙකක් කියන්න තියෙනවා. කවුද පඬියකු කියලා තිබුණ ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවෙත් තියෙන්නෙ ඩොමීනියන් නිදහසක් කියලත් ඒ රටේ උදවිය සතුටින් ඉන්නව කියලත්.
ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාව කියන්නෙ ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් එංගලන්තයෙන් ගිය අය පදිංචි වුණු රටක්. ඒ අය හිරකාරයො ය කියල නිග්‍රහ කරන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ. හිරකාරයන්ගෙ වුණත් දරුවන් වැරදිකරුවන් නොවෙයි. එරට වැසි යම් ප්‍රමාණයකට එංගලන්තයෙ රැජන ගැන ගෞරවාදර හැඟීමක් තියෙනවා. ඔවුන් තම මවුරට ලෙස එංගලන්තය ගැන හිතනවා. ඒත් එරට වැසියන්ගෙන් සමහරුනට පූර්ණ නිදහස අවශ්‍යයි.

Thursday, 24 January 2019

සුමන්තිරන් අපිත් සූදානම්


සුමන්තිරන් අපිත් සූදානම්





සුමන්තිරන් දෙරණ වාදපිටියට ඇවිත්. මා එය නැරඹුවේ ඊයේ. සුමන්තිරන් කී දේ ඉතා පැහැදිලියි. එයින් කියන්නේ ඔහු විවෘත ව කතා කළ බව නො වෙයි. ඔහු රනිල්ගෙ නිවුන් සොහොයුරෙක් වගේ. සුමන්තිරන් බොහෝ දේ හංගන්න තැත්කරත් ඔහුට රනිල්ට මෙන්ම එයට හැකියාවක් නැහැ. ඔහු සිංහලයන්ට තර්ජනයක් ද කළා. සිංහලයන් සුමන්තිරන්ලාට ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට ඉඩ නොදුන්නොත් උතුරේ ජනතාව තමන්ට වඩා දැඩි ක්‍රියා මාර්ගවලට යන අය තෝරා ගනීවි කියා. අප එයට බය නැහැ. ඒ කරුණු දෙකක් නිසා. උතුරේ ජනතාව එවැනි ක්‍රියා මාර්ගවලට යෑමට ඇති ඉඩකඩ ඉතා අඩුයි. විග්නේස්වරන්ගේ අසාර්ථක උත්සාහයෙන් ඒ බව පැහැදිලි වෙනවා. දෙවනුව යම්කිසිවකු ප්‍රභාකරන් මෙන් බලහත්කාරයෙන් එවැන්නක් කළහොත් ඔහුටත් අත් වෙන්නෙ ප්‍රභාකරන්ගෙ ඉරණම ම තමයි. බටහිරයන්ට, වෙල්ලාල ප්‍රභූන්ට හා සිංහල පඬියන්ට මිස දෙමළ කතා කරන ජනයාට සිංහල බෞද්ධ විරෝධයක් නැහැ. 

Saturday, 29 December 2018

සිංහලේ එක්සේසත් කළේ කවුද


සිංහලේ එක්සේසත් කළේ කවුද



මේ රටේ ඉතිහාසය ඉගැන්වීමටත් ඉතිහාසයක් තියෙනවා. ඈත අතීතයේ ඉතිහාසය පදනම් වුණෙ ජනකතා (ජනප්‍රවාද, ඊනියා ජනශ්‍රැතිය) වංශකතා සෙල්ලිපි ආදිය මත. ඉතිහාසය ඉගෙනීමට සිදුවන්නේ වර්තමානයෙ. එහෙත් එදා වර්තමානය අද අතීතය වෙලා. බටහිර ගණිතයත් භෞතික විද්‍යාවත් සාපේක්‍ෂ වන විට ඉතිහාසය සාපේක්‍ෂ නොවී සිටින්නේ නැහැ. ඉතිහාසය කියන්නෙත් අනෙක් සියල්ල වගේ ම මිනිසුන්ගෙ නිර්මාණයක්. අද අප ඉතිහාසය නිර්මාණය කිරීමේ දී සමහරවිට පැරණි ඉතිහාස කතාවලට නව අර්ථකථන දෙනවා. ඉතිහාසයකට වඩා ඉතිහාස තියෙනවා කියල කිව්වොත් නිවැරදියි. 

Sunday, 29 April 2018

සිංහල බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍යය




සිංහල බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍යය



අද වෙසක් පුර පසළොස්වක. අද තමයි තෙමඟුල සිදු වූ දවස. සමහරු අහනවා බුදු හාමුදුරුවන් පිරිනිවන් පෑම මඟුලක් වෙන්නේ කොහොම ද කියා. බුදු වීමෙන් පසුවත් උන්වහන්සේ අවුරුදු හතළිස් පහක් සත්වයාගේ (මිනිසුන්ගේ පමණක් නොව) හිත සුව පිණිස ධර්මය දේශනා කළා. පිරිනිවන් පෑමෙන් පසු ඒ කාර්යය ඉටු වන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ ගැන කණගාටුවක් තියෙන්න පුළුවන්. එහෙත් උන්වහන්සේ දෙසූ ධර්මය අදත් තියෙනවා. ධර්මය ගැන විවිධ අර්ථකථන තිබුණත් අප ථෙරවාදය ආරක්‍ෂා කර ගෙන තියෙනවා. ථෙරවාදය කියන්නෙත් එක දැනුමක් නොවෙයි. ඒකටත් විවිධ අර්ථකථන තියෙනවා. ඒත් අපට සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ථෙරවාදය කියන්නෙ මොකක් ද කියන එක තේරුම් ගන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ  බුුදු හාමුදුරුවන් දැකීමෙන්. බුදු හාමුදුුරුවන් කවුද කියා දැන ගැනීම ධර්මය දැන ගැනීමෙන් කරන්න පුළුවන්.  ධර්මය දැකීමෙන් බුදු හාමුදුරුවන්  දකින්න පුළුවන්. මෙය චක්‍රියයි.

Friday, 27 December 2013

Habits, habitats and armed forces


Those who were not in favour of operations against the LTTE have a habit. They wanted the operations to be stopped and engage in so called peace talks with the terrorists. The UNP ridiculed the armed forces and Ranil Wickremesinghe referred to Thoppigala as a jungle. Ravi Karunanayake wanted to find out whether the army was in Medawachchiya when they were in Killinochchi. He probably does not know where Alimankada is as he thought it was another name for Pamankada. As far as he is concerned it appeared that all mankadas were the same. Then Lakshman Kirielele said any ass or some other animal could fight a war. The NGO pundits and self appointed specialists on warfare, echoing the westerners, said that the “war” cannot be won by either party. However, the Sri Lankan armed forces were able to defeat the LTTE and to become the first to defeat a terrorist organization.

The peace talks were to be based on the thirteenth amendment, which was a result of the infamous Indo Lanka Accord which is not a document valid politically or legally. The Indo Lanka Accord referred to the historical habitats of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, and it was to these so called habitats that power was to be devolved in order to solve the “discriminations” against the Tamils by the Sinhala Buddhists, who in the eyes of the westerners and NGO pundits are the worst Chauvinists in the world. The government of the Sinhala people as the Tamil racists call the Sri Lankan government has no respect at all for human rights according to the west, their agent UNP and of course the NGO pundits and the TNA.

Almost all these anti Sinhala Buddhist organizations habitually tell us though the war was won, peace was not won. They seem to be of the opinion that peace could have been won without winning the war. For them winning the “war” was not a necessary condition for peace. It is clear what they mean by peace is not what the vast majority of Sinhalas and probably Tamils have in their minds. As far as the UNP, NGO pundits and others are concerned peace is nothing but betraying the sovereignty of the people and the territorial integrity of the nation. For them peace is handing over a piece of the country to the Tamil racists. In any event most of them talk of a non-existing Tamil nation and their self determination.

It is wrong to say that there is no peace in this country. Peace was won by the Sri Lankan armed forces under the political leadership of the President and the direction of the Defense Secretary. However, England and some other western countries want another \war against the Sinhala people this time through various means. They employ the dispersed Tamils in their countries on one hand and on the other, their so called international organizations such as the UN and human rights agencies, and of course the NGOs. The displaced Tamils operate through a faction of the TNA that had its annual conference recently in Vavunia without Ananda Sangari who was not sympathetic to the LTTE but with the widows of the terrorists and others such as Sumanthiran the MP appointed on the national list. The anti Sinhala lobby shout slogans inside and outside the Parliament, stage demonstrations in London and Geneva and attempt to give the impression that there is no peace in the country. In the whole of Sri Lanka the arrival of the prince of peace was celebrated day before yesterday unlike in the days of Prabhakaran the devil of terrorism and some Bishops of the Catholic Church who dominated the Church then, and some other Churches. We cannot forget that the Bishop of a Christian denomination referred to the terrorist leader as a humane person. It is time for the Catholic and other Christian Churches to look back and correct the mistakes. After all there are Sinhala Catholics and Christians whom the Church cannot ignore in the name of finding so called peace that is detrimental to the sovereignty of the people and the territorial integrity of the nation.     

As we have said very often, this so called solution is backed by the Tamil racist Vadukoddai resolution, though the Tamil problem is more than hundred and fifty years old. The Tamil racists took so much time to formulate “the problem” in order to suit the solution that they had from the state council days. Nagnathan who became the treasurer of the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchchi (Lanka Tamil State Party) later wanted a separate country for the Tamils even before the first Parliament was elected in 1947. In the case of Tamil racism the solution came first and then the problem was formulated.

However, the process was so artificial that the solution does not address the problem. The problem is “discrimination against the Tamils by the Sinhala Buddhists and their government”. The solution is devolution of power to the historical habitats of the Tamils, identified by the Indo Lanka Accord as the Northern and Eastern Provinces, though the “Eelam Map” refers to an area to the north of Chillaw on the western coast and Panama in the eastern cost. This “Eelam Map” is based on judicial districts demarcated by the Dutch who imported the Vellalas to the country. Incidentally the word Eelam was coined by C Sunthralingam who spelt it as Eylom. If the Tamils are discriminated then a solution has to be found for all the Tamils in the country and not only for the Tamils living in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.  

It has to be emphasized that the solution depends on the concept of habitats as stated in the Indo Lanka Accord. It does not depend on the so called homeland concept and it is clear that it is the concept of habitats that is used to justify the solution of devolution of power to the Northern Province and the Eastern province. Thus when the Catholic Church issues a statement recognizing habitats of the Tamils, the Sinhalas especially the Sinhala Buddhists are disturbed to say the least. The Church in its defense may say that they do not refer to the homeland, but then the notorious Indo Lanka Accord also does not refer to the homeland of the Tamils. The Catholic Church like any other organization is entitled to engage in politics forgetting the differences between the God and Caesar without correcting its mistakes, but then the Church should realize that it is not immune from criticism.

It should be realized even by some ministers belonging to the leftover left, not to mention the TNA leaders that the Provincial Councils in operation today do not confirm to the Indo Lanka Accord as such. The Northern and Eastern Provincial councils act separately and the provinces are not amalgamated for the purpose of implementing the thirteenth amendment and the provincial councils act. The present provincial councils are not a solution to the so called discrimination of the Tamils and they function in the framework of the “eksesath rajya” a form of unitary state if one were to use modern terminology. The Northern Province Provincial council is not different from any other provincial council in the country and this is something that the TNA should realize sooner than later. The original idea of provincial councils was bound to fail as there was no problem to be solved envisaged by the so called solution.

It is in this background that we have to consider the employment of the armed forces in the country. Sumanthiran who said a few weeks ago in a television discussion that there were no Tamil speaking policemen in most of the police stations in the Northern Province, but  did not respond to the media spokesperson for the Police who challenged the honourable MP, is now shouting slogans against the presence of the Army in the Jaffna Peninsula. It is the commander of the Army who decides where to employ the platoons, and as long as Premachandrans, Sritharans who want a separate state it appears that the commander cannot confine the army to the barracks. The Provincial Council of the Northern Province has no authority to decide where the army should be stationed and as long as the Army is not involved in civil administration there is nothing wrong in having the army in the streets of Jaffna or Colombo, if the commander is of the opinion that there are separatists who are controlled by external forces that act against the sovereignty of the people and the integrity of the nation. The faction of Sampanthan and Wigneshwaran is only using Sumanthiran to counter the faction of the dispersed Tamils in the TNA, and this policy would not succeed.


Nalin De Silva

27-12-2013

Wednesday, 22 May 2013

On the land issue



We move from the topic Western science, Astrology and Arsenic temporarily in order to discuss one of the important topics in current  politics. It is concerned with the power to distribute land as stated in the thirteenth amendment. The thirteenth amendment is not a solution to a problem in Sri Lanka but an act imposed on us by the Indians modeled on their state administration to solve a problem peculiar to India. India did not consider the history, the eksesath rajya we had before the Portuguese came to Sri Lanka, the culture or more importantly the demographic patterns and the powers that changed those patterns after 1506. In this article I will consider only the problem of land distribution though from 1987 through the APRC I have opposed the 13th amendment in general and land and police powers in particular. At the APRC when Dr. Tissa Witharana and many others wanted to submit an interim report to satisfy India stating that we agree to implement the 13th amendment in full, it was my objection that prevented them wording the report the way India wanted. I must place on record the dedication of Mr. Udaya Gammanpila of the JHU in opposing the Tissa Witharana move. 

It is a well known fact obtained from the Portuguese historians that when the Portuguese conquerors came to the island we had an eksesath rajya though they do not refer to such rajya. There was no way that the Portuguese could have understood the system we had, and the reference to kings and an emperor in Kotte demonstrates that the Portuguese historians looked at the eksesath rajya using the concepts they were used to. We never had emperors in this country and the Portuguese who did not know anything of the eksesath rajya referred to the king of Sri Lanka Eksesath Rajya as the emperor. Those who insist on looking at history from the Portuguese point of view will continue with an emperor and so called independent kingdoms in the island.

The first state intervention in changing the demographic pattern of the country took place during the period of King Senerath who settled the Muslims who were harassed by the Portuguese  in the present eastern province. It is regrettable that some Muslims have forgotten this and are now attempting to convert Kaththankudy into a Little Arab with date trees etc., as I witnessed during a recent tour in the eastern province. It should be emphasized that the Sinhala Buddhists have never had had any Little Kalingas or Bengals or Maharashtras or even Buddhagayas even if we believe in the Vijaya story. Let us all live in Sri Lanka without little this or that from foreign countries. When King Senerath settled the Muslims in the present eastern province it was populated with the Sinhalas and it was the rice bowl at least from the time of Prince Saddhatissa who cultivated Digamadulla. In any event the present eastern province was part of the Ruhunu Rata. It has to be mentioned that rata has been used by the Sinhala people not only to refer to the country but to parts of the country as well as exemplified by atadahas rata, dolosdahas rata etc. The present usage of uda rata and pahatha rata is following this tradition.              

The most crucial settlement was by the Dutch who brought Tamil Vellalas from present South India for their tobacco cultivation and settled them in the Jaffna peninsula. It is on record by Portuguese that the Sinhala people were the majority in Jaffna when they arrived. These Sinhala people have been Tamilized  in the process and have been made members of the so called low casts of the Jaffna Hindu society. It was after about 1750 that saw the beginning of the Dutch rule in Sri Lanka that changed critically the demographic patterns in Sri Lanka and needless to say that it happened with the auspices of the Dutch governor. It was state colonization and nothing else though there was no Dutch state as such in Sri Lanka. The maps that have been prepared by the Dutch after 1750 ( I can give the reference if anybody is prepared to help me to translate the records to Sinhala or English) give the Sinhala names of the villages and these would go a long way in establishing that it was after 1750 that the demographic patterns at least in the Jaffna peninsula have been changed drastically by the Dutch.

The present Tamil population in Jaffna consists of the descendants of the Tamil vellalas brought by the Dutch and those of Tamilized Sinhala people living in Jaffna before 1750 and also some Velakkaras who spoke Malayalam. This corroborates with the linguistic opinion that the  difference between Tamil spoken in Jaffna and that spoken in Tamil Nadu in general is not more than two hundred and fifty years, and that Jaffna Tamil has been influenced by Malayalam. With the occupation of the country by the English, by breaching the Sinhala English accord or what is known as the Kandyan convention by the gentlemanly English, instead of ruling the country according to the Sinhala tradition the rulers appointed a Muslim as the tax collector in certain areas. The Sinhala leaders having realized that they had been cheated by the English King (his representative the governor) rose against the colonialists in 1817 – 18 which was our first independence struggle in English occupied Sinhale. The English “respecting” the human rights of the Sinhalas to be reborn massacred the Sinhala population killing not only males above 15 years but even killing the cattle of the Sinhala people. The record of the English with respect to our independence struggle is most cruel to say the least, and during this Veask week we can only engage in “Maithree Bhavana” towards the governors such as Brownrigg, Torrington and their mothers.  

After the massacre the remaining Sinhala people were forced to leave the rice bowl, Uva Vellassa (vel lakshaya - hundred thousand paddy fields) and the cultivation of the land was thereafter in the hands of the Muslims. The present eastern province was almost devoid of any Sinhala people and to make matters worse the English settled Tamil labourers brought from present Tamil Nadu in these areas. The final importation of the Tamil labourers by the English was for their coffee and tea plantations in the “up country”.

What I want to emphasize is that before the Portuguese came to Sri Lanka the vast majority of the population from Nagadeepa to Devundara was Sinhala with pockets of Tamil speaking Muslims, or so called Moors who had come from South India. They were Tamil speaking Muslims whatever their ethnicity was. Any changes in the demographic patterns since 1506 have been due to state intervention. Except in the case of King Senerath all the other changes have been effected by colonial rulers. Even in the case of settlings of Muslims by the Sinhala king it was carried out as a result of Portuguese harassing the Muslims.

In all these instances it was the Sinhala people who have lost “their” land especially at the hands of the Dutch and the English. If there has been a historical injustice it is to the Sinhalas as a result of land “distribution”. The colonial discrimination has to be rectified and naturally it has to be done by the government. The so called historical habitats of the Tamils had been historical habitats of the Sinhala for more than two thousand years until colonial intervention. Those who oppose any land distribution by the government want to maintain the status quo due to colonial rulers and it is a case of maintaining the colonial injustices to the Sinhala people. Also  maintaining army camps as far as the security of the country is concerned is the prerogative of the government. Taking all these things into consideration distribution of land in the entire country should be in the hands of the government and legislation should be enacted not to leave these powers ( and police powers etc.)  with the Provincial Councils the baby of India, if the thirteenth amendment cannot be repealed just now due to some reason or other.

22-05-2013

Nalin De Silva