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Showing posts with label UNP. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UNP. Show all posts

Friday, 17 July 2020

ජාතිකත්වය ජයග්‍රහණය කරවමු

                        

                                                 සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්

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ජාතිකත්වය ජයග්‍රහණය කරවමු

මැතිවරණ කොමිසම නාහෙන් අඬන සෞඛ්‍ය නීති රීති අඩංගු ගැසට් නිවේදනය හෙට අනිද්දා  පිටවෙනවා කියනවා. ඉන් පසුව මැතිවරණ කොමිසම මොකක් කියයි ද දන්නෙ නැහැ. මැතිවරණය කල් දමා ගැනීමට වුවමනා රනිල් සජිත් අනුර ත්‍රිත්වයට පමණක් නො වෙයි. ඔවුන් නායකත්වය දෙන පක්‍ෂ තුනෙන් එකක්වත් ජාතිකවාදී පක්‍ෂ නො වෙයි. ඔවුන්ට ඇත්තේ විජාතික දර්ශන මතවාද ප්‍රතිපත්ති ආදිය. 

Friday, 19 June 2020

මංගලගේ විජාතිකත්වය

         

                                                   සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්

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මංගලගේ විජාතිකත්වය  

මංගල සමරවීර සහ තවත් කිහිප දෙනකු සජිත්ගේ නායකත්වයෙන් ඇති සමගි ජන බලව්ගයෙන් ඉවත්වීම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට පහරක් කියල මැතිවරණ නිරීක්‍ෂකයන් පවසනවා. මේ මැතිවරණ නිරීක්‍ෂකයන් කියන්නෙ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන කිහිපයක පිරිසක්. ඔවුන් තමන්ට මුදල් ලැබෙන්නෙ කොහෙන්ද කියන එක පළමුවෙන් ම කියනවා නම් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට කොහොම වෙතත් රටට හොඳයි. ආණ්ඩුව හැම රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානයක්  ගැන ම සෙවිල්ලෙන් ඉන්න ඕන. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය වෙනුවෙන් කුලියට සේවය කරන්නන් අවසාන වශයෙන් ගත් කල බටහිර කුලීකරුවන්. රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන බොහොමයක් ගැන ම කියන්න තියෙන්නෙ මේ කුලීකාර කතාව පමණයි.

Sunday, 7 June 2020

සිංහල ජාතිකත්වය වම හා දෙමළ ජාතික සංධානය

                                                   සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්

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සිංහල ජාතිකත්වය වම හා දෙමළ ජාතික සංධානය 

සිංහලයන්, විශේෂයෙන් ම සිංහල බෞද්ධයන් එක්වන තරමට දෙමළ ජාතිවාදය (එය ජාතිවාදය නමින් හැඳින්වුව ද දෙමළ ජාතියක් තබා ජනවර්ගයක්වත් නැහැ) හා මුස්ලිම් අන්තවාදය මෙරටින් නැති කරන්න පුළුවන්. සිංහලයන් විශේෂයෙන් ම සිංහල බෞද්ධයන් දේශපාලනික ව අනාථයන් බවට පත් ව සිටි සමයක බණ්ඩාරනායක රාජපක්‍ෂ ආදීන් එ ජා පක්‍ෂයෙන් කැඩී ඒමෙන් පසුව සිංහල ජාතිකත්ව පක්‍ෂයක ආරම්භය සනිටුහන් වුණා. එහෙත් එය 1951ට වඩා 1952 දී මින්නේරිය අතුරු මැතිවරණය සමග සිදු වූ දෙයක්. එතෙක් ලංකාවේ පැවතියේ ජාත්‍යන්තරවාදී පක්‍ෂ වූ සමසමාජ පක්‍ෂයත් ලංකා කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්‍ෂයත් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයත්. ඒව බටහිර විවිධ ජාත්‍යන්තරවාදී මත අනුව සකස් වූ පක්‍ෂ. 

Friday, 24 April 2020

කොවිඩ්, බෞද්ධයන් හා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව

෦ ෧ ෨ ෩ ෪ ෫ ෬ ෭ ෮ ෯
                                                       සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්
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කොවිඩ්, බෞද්ධයන් හා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව




නාවිකයන් තිස් දෙනකුට පමණ කොවිඩ් 19 ආසාදානය වෙලා. එය අර තවත් පොකුරක්. රෝගීන් , රෝගීන් බවට  සැක කරන්නන්, රෝගීන් වීමට විභවයක් ඇති අය පසු පස යන රණවිරුවන් පිළිබඳ ව තවත් පරෙස්සම් විය යුතුයි. ඔවුන් යම් ආාරයක ප්‍රතිශක්තීකරණයකට භාජනය විය යුතුයි. එය හමුදා විනයක් සහිත ව ක්‍රියාත්මක විය යුතුයි. රණවිරුවන්ගේ කැප කිරීම අප අගයන අතර ඔවුන් ආරක්‍ෂා කිරීමත් අපේ වගකීමක් බව තේරුම් ගත යුතුයි.

Sunday, 19 April 2020

කිරි කලයට ගොම හැලියක් මුසු කිරීම


෦ ෧ ෨ ෩ ෪ ෫ ෬ ෭ ෮ ෯
                                                       සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්
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කිරි කලයට ගොම හැලියක් මුසු කිරීම




මා උගතකුවත් බුද්ධිමතකුවත් වියතකුවත් නො වෙයි. මා මෙන් සිය ගුණයක් පොතපත කියවූ අය දහස් ගණනක් රටේ ඉන්නවා. පසුගිය දා කිරි කලයට ගොම ටිකක්වත් එකතු කරන්න එපා මැයෙන් පළ වූ ලිපිය ජාතික සංවිධාන වෙනුවෙන් කතා කරන්නේ තමන් යැයි කියා ගන්නා එක් වෙබ් අඩවියක් පළ කරලා. ඒ මදිවට එහි අවසන් ඡෙදයට වැඩි අවධානයක් යොමු කිරීමට එය වෙනමත් පළ කරලා. පැහැදිලිව ම එය මා සමච්චලයට ලක් කිරීමට කළ දෙයක්. එකී ඡෙදයේ කොටසක් මා පහත උපුටා දක්වනවා.

Friday, 6 March 2020

නව දේශපාලනයක්

   සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම් 


නව දේශපාලනයක්


අද මෙරට දේශපාලනයේ ශ්‍රී ල නි පක්‍ෂය හා එ ජා පක්‍ෂය ක්‍රමයෙන් නැති වී ගෙන යනවා. ශ්‍රී ල නි පක්‍ෂය මරා දමනු ලැබුවේ මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන විසින් නොවේ. ඔහුට ශ්‍රී ල නි පක්‍ෂයෙන් ඉවත් වීමට කරුණු සැලසූ අය එයට වග කියන්න ඕන. එයින් කියැවෙන්නේ ශ්‍රී ල නි පක්‍ෂය මරා දැමීමට කටයුතු කෙළේ ඒ පිරිස බවයි. සිරිසේනත් සමග යම් පිරිසක් යහපාලනයට ගියා. ඔවුන් යහපාලන දින සියයේ ආණ්ඩුවේ ඇමතිකම් ගත්තා ද නැත් ද යන්න ප්‍රශ්නයක් නොවෙයි. ප්‍රසන්න රණතුංගත් යහපාලන මුල් ම කාලයේ සිරිසේනට ගෑවී සිටියේ. ඔහු අද කියනවා සිරිසේනට ගෑවී සිටි කිසිම අයකුට ඡන්දය නොදිය යුතු බව. ඒකත් හොඳ කියමනක්. 

Monday, 17 February 2020

එළවළු මාෆියාව

  සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්


එළවළු මාෆියාව


අද එළවළු මිළ ඉතා අධිකයි. එය නව ආණ්ඩුවේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති නිසා සිදු වූවක් නොවෙයි. එහෙත් එ ජා පක්‍ෂය හා එහි වාටියේ ඉන්න ජ වි පෙ එළවළු මිළ ඉහළ යෑම ආණ්ඩුවට විරුද්ධ ව යොදා ගන්නවා. යාපනයෙන් එළවළු දඹුල්ලට පැමිණයත් ඒ නිසා දඹුල්ලට එන එළවළු මිළ අඩු වුවත් දඹුල්ලෙන් යන එළවළු මිළ අඩු වන්නේ නැහැ. ආණ්ඩුව එයට පිළියමක් ලෙස වවුනියාවේ වෙළෙඳ මධ්‍යස්ථානයක් ඇති කරන්න පිඹුරුපත් සකස් කරනවා. එහෙත් එය කල් යන වැඩක්.

Monday, 23 December 2019

ජ වි පෙ වටා කතා

   සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්


ජ වි පෙ වටා කතා



ජ වි පෙරමුණේ ඉන්න හොඳ සහෝදරයකු කියල ඇතැමුන්ගේ ප්‍රසාදයට ලක් වෙන ලාල්කාන්ත තමා කවුද යන්න හොඳහැටි ප්‍රකාශ කරමින් ගානියා පැහැර ගෙන ගිය බව කියල තිබුණා. ලාල්කාන්ත ඒ බව දැන ගත්තෙ කොහොමද කියන එක ප්‍රශ්නයක්. ජ වි පෙ කිසිවකු හොඳ වෙන්නෙ කොහොමද යන ප්‍රශ්නය තියෙනවා. 1971 හරි 1987-90 කාලයෙ හරි ජ වි පෙ හිටිය කිසිවකු එකල ජ වි පෙරමුණෙන් සිද්ධ වෙච්ච මිනීමැරුම් ගැන අඩු තරමෙන් පසුතැවෙන්නෙවත් නැත්නම්  ඒ කිසිවකු හොඳ වෙන්නෙ කොහොමද? ඒ සියල්ල ගැන දැන දැනත් අදත් ජ වි පෙරමුණෙ ඉන්න අය ගැන මොනව කියන්න ද? 

Thursday, 12 December 2019

ගානියා හා ජාත්‍යන්තරය

  සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම් 


ගානියා හා ජාත්‍යන්තරය

ස්විට්සර්ලන්ත සිද්ධිය යනු විශාල ක්‍රියාදාමයක මතු වූ කොණක් පමණයි. ගානියා යනු කවුදැයි සොයා ගන්න ඕන. ඇය මුලින් ශ්‍රියාලතා පෙරේරා කියා කියනවා. ඇයට එ ජා ප සම්බන්ධකම් තියෙන්න ඇති. රාජිත සේනාරත්න කියන කතාවලින් ඒ බව පැහැදිලි වෙනවා. අකිල විරාජ් කියනවා ආණ්ඩුව මේ සිද්ධිය එ ජා පක්‍ෂයට සම්බන්ධ කිරීමට දරණ උත්සාහයෙන් පේන්නෙ ආණ්ඩුවෙ බංකොළොත්කම කියා. එහෙත් දැනට දින කිහිපයකට උඩදි අකිලල මේ සිද්ධිය ආණ්ඩුවට බැර කරලා සුදු වෑන් මවල දේශපාලන වාසියක් ගන්න බැලුවා. 

Friday, 6 December 2019

එ ජා ප බෝන් අගේන් ජයග්‍රහණය

        සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම් 


එ ජා ප බෝන්  අගේන් ජයග්‍රහණය

එ ජා පක්‍ෂ පාර්ලිමේන්තු කණ්ඩායම සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස විපක්‍ෂ නායක ලෙස තෝරා ගෙන. කලින් ඔහු ජනාධිපති අපේක්‍ෂකයා ලෙස තෝරා ගත්තා. රනිල් මේ එකකටවත් කැමති නැහැ. එහෙත් ඔහු පසුව සජිත්ට ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙ දි ආධාර කළා. ඒ බටහිරයන්ගේ කීමට. බටහිරයන්ට ගෝඨාභය දිනනවා දකින්න වුවමනාවක් තිබුණෙ නැහැ. බැසිල්ටත් මුල දි ගෝඨාභය දිනවන්න වුවමනාවක් තිබුණෙ නැහැ. පහුගිය ජනාධිපතිවරණය මුල් කාලයෙ මා එය හැඳින්නුවෙ පරාජය කිරීමේ සටනක් ලෙස. 

Thursday, 5 December 2019

බටහිරයන්, සිංහල නැගිටීම හා චිත්‍ර

        සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්


 බටහිරයන්, සිංහල නැගිටීම හා චිත්‍ර 



එංගලන්තයේ කොන්සර්වෙටිව් පක්‍ෂයේ මැතිවරණ ප්‍රකාශයේ ලංකාව රාජ්‍ය දෙකකට කැඩීමක් ගැන කියැවෙනවා. උදය ගම්මන්පිල ඒ ගැන කියා තිබුණා.  ඒ පිළිබඳ ව ලන්ඩනයේ ලංකා මහා කොමසාරිස්වරිය කලින් ම  පැමිණිල්ලක් කරල තියෙනවා. එවිට කොන්සර්වටිව් පක්‍ෂය කියා තියෙන්නෙ රාජ්‍ය දෙකේ කතාව ලංකාවට අදාළ නැත එය ඊනියා මැද පෙරදිගට පමණක් අදාළ බවයි. අපි කොන්සර්වෙටිව් පක්‍ෂයේ  මැතිවරණ ප්‍රකාශයේ අදාළ කොටස උපුටා දක්වමු.  "We will continue to support international initiatives to achieve reconciliation, stability and justice across the world, and in current or former conflict zones such as Cyprus, Sri Lanka and the Middle East, where we maintain our support for a two-state solution."මෙහි කියන දෙය ඉතා පැහැදිලියි. සයිප්‍රස්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව හා මැද පෙරදිග වැනි ගැටුම් කලාපවල රාජ්‍ය දෙකක් සඳහා වූ තම ප්‍රතිපත්තිය පවත්වා ගෙන යන බව සඳහන් වෙනවා. මෙහි අවසන් කොමාව තිබෙන්නේ Middle East යන වචනවලට පසුව. එවිට රාජ්‍ය දෙකේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය පවත්වාගෙන යන්නේ සයිප්‍රස්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව හා මැද පෙරදිග සම්බන්ධයෙන්. කොන්සර්වෙටිව් පක්‍ෂයට රාජ්‍ය දෙකේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ඊනියා මැද පෙරදිගට (මෙය බටහිර ආසියාව විය යුතුයි. මැද පෙරදිගක් ඇත්තේ යුරෝපයට සාපේක්‍ෂව) පමණක් සීමා කළ යුතුව තිබිණි නම් කොමාව යොදන්න තිබුණෙ Sri Lanka යන්නට පසුව and යන්නට කලින්. කොන්සර්වෙටිව් පක්‍ෂයට කොමාව වැරදිලා ද? නැත්නම් අපට කොකා පෙන්නනවා ද? 

Tuesday, 26 November 2019

ගෝඨාභය බැසිල්ගෙන් ආරක්‍ෂා කරමු

         සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම් 

ගෝඨාභය බැසිල්ගෙන් ආරක්‍ෂා කරමු



මා නොවැදගත් මිනිසකු බව ඇත්ත. මා ලියන ලිපිවලින් සත පහක වැඩක් වෙන්නෙ නැති බවත් ඇත්ත. ඒ නිසා දිනපතා ලිපි නොලියන්නත් මා තීරණය කරගෙන හිටියා. ඒත් මා අද තීරණය කළා අනාගත ඉතිහාසඥයන්ගෙ (ජී සි මැන්දිස්ගේ ගෝලයන් නොවෙයි) දැන ගැනීම සඳහාවත් දිනපතා නැති වුවත් යම් යම් දේ ලියා තැබිය යුතු ය කියා. ඒ ලිපි ඉතා කෙටි වෙන්නත් පුළුවන්. 

Saturday, 23 November 2019

සිංහලත්වය දෙමළ ජාතිවාදය හා විවිධ පඬියෝ

      සිංහල ලිත් ඉලක්කම්


සිංහලත්වය දෙමළ ජාතිවාදය හා විවිධ පඬියෝ



ඉතා පැහැදිලි ව සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතිකත්වය පසුගිය අවුරුදු එකසිය පනහක පමණ කාලයක කවදාටත් වඩා අද තහවුරු වෙලා. මේ ගැන විවිධ පඬියන් විවිධ කතා කියනවා. ජාතික ව්‍යාපාරයෙහි යෙදෙන අය කියන්නේ තම තමන් නිසා ඒ තත්වය ඇතිවෙලා කියලා. ඒක එහෙම වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ජනමාධ්‍යයෙහිත් ප්‍රචාරය වන්නේ ඒ අයගෙ කතා. ඒ නිසා ජනතාවත් දන්නේ ඔවුන් ගැන. මා නම් මේ තත්වය ඇති වීමට කිසිම අයුරකින් දායක වී නැහැ. මගේ අදහස් ප්‍රචාරය කිරීමට ජනමාධ්‍ය උපකාර කෙළේ නැහැ. උපකාර කරන්නෙත් නැහැ. ඔවුන් බටහිර දැනුමේ දාසයෙන්. මේ ලිපි පළවන්නේ කාලය බ්ලොග් අඩවියෙහි පමණයි. මා මේ ලිපි ලිවීම ඉක්මනින් ම නතර කරනවා. දැන් ජාතික ව්‍යාපරයෙහි ද විවිධ පඬියන් ඉන්නවා. ඔවුන්ට ප්‍රතිවාදීන්ට මුහුණ දෙන එක ප්‍රශ්නයක් වෙන එකක් නැහැ. ඔවුන් පඬියන්. කොහොමටත් දෙසීයකට කියවන්න ලියන එකේ තේරුමක් නැහැ.

Friday, 2 August 2019

වම දකුණ හා ජාතිකත්වය

වම දකුණ හා ජාතිකත්වය 



බේරීම් කමිටුවේ තේරුමක් ඇති ප්‍රශ්න අසන්නේ සරත් ෆොන්සේකා පමණයි. අනෙක් අය එක්කෝ රනිල් ඔහුගේ ගෝලයන් බටහිරයන් හා සෞදි අරාබිය බේරා ගැනීමේ ව්‍යායාමයක යෙදී ඉන්නවා නැත්නම් තම පඬිබව පෙන්නන්න හදනවා. මා පදනම් වන්නේ ජනමාධ්‍ය වාර්තා මත පමණක් වන බැවින් මා වැරදි වෙන්න පුළුවන්. කෙසේ වෙතත් ඇතැම් රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් තම තම පක්‍ෂපාතීත්ව අනුව ඒ ඒ දේශපාලනඥයන් නිලධාරීන් බේරා ගැනීමට සාක්කි දෙන ආකාරය පැහැදිලි වෙනවා.

Thursday, 13 December 2018

රනිල් පිටුපස විජාතික බලවේග


රනිල් පිටුපස විජාතික බලවේග



රනිල් අගමැති වීමට පක්‍ෂපාතීත්වය දක්වන යෝජනාවක් ඊයේ දියවන්නා කෝළමේ සම්මත වෙලා. යෝජනාව ගෙනාවේ සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස. සජිත්ගෙ තාත්තට විරුද්ධ දෝෂාභියෝගෙ ගෙනාවෙ රනිල් ඇතුලු පිරිසක්. ඉතා පැහැදිලිව ඊයේ යෝජනාව සජිත් ලව්ව ගෙන්නවලා.  එ ජා පෙ  අර්බුදයක ඉන්න බව පැහැදිලියි. සජිත් මෙවරත් නායක සටනින් පරාදයි. රනිල් පක්‍ෂය දැතුළෙ බලවත් වෙලා. රනිල්ට ඕන නැවතත් අගමැති වෙන්න.

Thursday, 2 March 2017

ජනාධිපතිවරණ ප්‍රකාශය හා එ ජා ප  


ජනාධිපතිවරණ ප්‍රකාශය හා එ ජා ප



මේ ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් කෙළේ කවු ද? චතුර සේනාරත්න ද? රතන හාමුදුරුවො ද? අශෝක අබේගුණවර්ධන ද? අනුර දිසානායක ද? සෝභිත හාමුදුරුවො ද? සරත් විජේසූරිය ද? මහින්ද අමරවීර ද? බස් ගැමුණු ද? රාජිත සේනාරත්න ද? එස් බී දිසානායක ද? චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග ද? ලක්‍ෂමන් කිරිඇල්ල ද? රවි කරුණානායක ද? සරත් ෆොන්සේකා ද? රන්ජන් රාමනායක ද? මේ ඔක්කොම හා තවත් අය ද? ඒ එක්කෙනකුවත් නො වෙයි ද? මෛත්‍රිපාල තමන් ම බලයට පත්වුණා ද? කවුරු මෛත්‍රිපාල බලයට පත් කළත් අද ඔහු මෙරට විධායක ජනාධිපති. විධායක බලතල තියෙන්නෙ මහුට. ඒත් ජන බලයක් නැත්තෙත් ඔහුට.

Friday, 27 December 2013

Habits, habitats and armed forces


Those who were not in favour of operations against the LTTE have a habit. They wanted the operations to be stopped and engage in so called peace talks with the terrorists. The UNP ridiculed the armed forces and Ranil Wickremesinghe referred to Thoppigala as a jungle. Ravi Karunanayake wanted to find out whether the army was in Medawachchiya when they were in Killinochchi. He probably does not know where Alimankada is as he thought it was another name for Pamankada. As far as he is concerned it appeared that all mankadas were the same. Then Lakshman Kirielele said any ass or some other animal could fight a war. The NGO pundits and self appointed specialists on warfare, echoing the westerners, said that the “war” cannot be won by either party. However, the Sri Lankan armed forces were able to defeat the LTTE and to become the first to defeat a terrorist organization.

The peace talks were to be based on the thirteenth amendment, which was a result of the infamous Indo Lanka Accord which is not a document valid politically or legally. The Indo Lanka Accord referred to the historical habitats of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, and it was to these so called habitats that power was to be devolved in order to solve the “discriminations” against the Tamils by the Sinhala Buddhists, who in the eyes of the westerners and NGO pundits are the worst Chauvinists in the world. The government of the Sinhala people as the Tamil racists call the Sri Lankan government has no respect at all for human rights according to the west, their agent UNP and of course the NGO pundits and the TNA.

Almost all these anti Sinhala Buddhist organizations habitually tell us though the war was won, peace was not won. They seem to be of the opinion that peace could have been won without winning the war. For them winning the “war” was not a necessary condition for peace. It is clear what they mean by peace is not what the vast majority of Sinhalas and probably Tamils have in their minds. As far as the UNP, NGO pundits and others are concerned peace is nothing but betraying the sovereignty of the people and the territorial integrity of the nation. For them peace is handing over a piece of the country to the Tamil racists. In any event most of them talk of a non-existing Tamil nation and their self determination.

It is wrong to say that there is no peace in this country. Peace was won by the Sri Lankan armed forces under the political leadership of the President and the direction of the Defense Secretary. However, England and some other western countries want another \war against the Sinhala people this time through various means. They employ the dispersed Tamils in their countries on one hand and on the other, their so called international organizations such as the UN and human rights agencies, and of course the NGOs. The displaced Tamils operate through a faction of the TNA that had its annual conference recently in Vavunia without Ananda Sangari who was not sympathetic to the LTTE but with the widows of the terrorists and others such as Sumanthiran the MP appointed on the national list. The anti Sinhala lobby shout slogans inside and outside the Parliament, stage demonstrations in London and Geneva and attempt to give the impression that there is no peace in the country. In the whole of Sri Lanka the arrival of the prince of peace was celebrated day before yesterday unlike in the days of Prabhakaran the devil of terrorism and some Bishops of the Catholic Church who dominated the Church then, and some other Churches. We cannot forget that the Bishop of a Christian denomination referred to the terrorist leader as a humane person. It is time for the Catholic and other Christian Churches to look back and correct the mistakes. After all there are Sinhala Catholics and Christians whom the Church cannot ignore in the name of finding so called peace that is detrimental to the sovereignty of the people and the territorial integrity of the nation.     

As we have said very often, this so called solution is backed by the Tamil racist Vadukoddai resolution, though the Tamil problem is more than hundred and fifty years old. The Tamil racists took so much time to formulate “the problem” in order to suit the solution that they had from the state council days. Nagnathan who became the treasurer of the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchchi (Lanka Tamil State Party) later wanted a separate country for the Tamils even before the first Parliament was elected in 1947. In the case of Tamil racism the solution came first and then the problem was formulated.

However, the process was so artificial that the solution does not address the problem. The problem is “discrimination against the Tamils by the Sinhala Buddhists and their government”. The solution is devolution of power to the historical habitats of the Tamils, identified by the Indo Lanka Accord as the Northern and Eastern Provinces, though the “Eelam Map” refers to an area to the north of Chillaw on the western coast and Panama in the eastern cost. This “Eelam Map” is based on judicial districts demarcated by the Dutch who imported the Vellalas to the country. Incidentally the word Eelam was coined by C Sunthralingam who spelt it as Eylom. If the Tamils are discriminated then a solution has to be found for all the Tamils in the country and not only for the Tamils living in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.  

It has to be emphasized that the solution depends on the concept of habitats as stated in the Indo Lanka Accord. It does not depend on the so called homeland concept and it is clear that it is the concept of habitats that is used to justify the solution of devolution of power to the Northern Province and the Eastern province. Thus when the Catholic Church issues a statement recognizing habitats of the Tamils, the Sinhalas especially the Sinhala Buddhists are disturbed to say the least. The Church in its defense may say that they do not refer to the homeland, but then the notorious Indo Lanka Accord also does not refer to the homeland of the Tamils. The Catholic Church like any other organization is entitled to engage in politics forgetting the differences between the God and Caesar without correcting its mistakes, but then the Church should realize that it is not immune from criticism.

It should be realized even by some ministers belonging to the leftover left, not to mention the TNA leaders that the Provincial Councils in operation today do not confirm to the Indo Lanka Accord as such. The Northern and Eastern Provincial councils act separately and the provinces are not amalgamated for the purpose of implementing the thirteenth amendment and the provincial councils act. The present provincial councils are not a solution to the so called discrimination of the Tamils and they function in the framework of the “eksesath rajya” a form of unitary state if one were to use modern terminology. The Northern Province Provincial council is not different from any other provincial council in the country and this is something that the TNA should realize sooner than later. The original idea of provincial councils was bound to fail as there was no problem to be solved envisaged by the so called solution.

It is in this background that we have to consider the employment of the armed forces in the country. Sumanthiran who said a few weeks ago in a television discussion that there were no Tamil speaking policemen in most of the police stations in the Northern Province, but  did not respond to the media spokesperson for the Police who challenged the honourable MP, is now shouting slogans against the presence of the Army in the Jaffna Peninsula. It is the commander of the Army who decides where to employ the platoons, and as long as Premachandrans, Sritharans who want a separate state it appears that the commander cannot confine the army to the barracks. The Provincial Council of the Northern Province has no authority to decide where the army should be stationed and as long as the Army is not involved in civil administration there is nothing wrong in having the army in the streets of Jaffna or Colombo, if the commander is of the opinion that there are separatists who are controlled by external forces that act against the sovereignty of the people and the integrity of the nation. The faction of Sampanthan and Wigneshwaran is only using Sumanthiran to counter the faction of the dispersed Tamils in the TNA, and this policy would not succeed.


Nalin De Silva

27-12-2013

Wednesday, 12 September 2012

Racism and provincial council elections

The provincial council showed that only the UPFA and the UNP could attract votes from all three communities Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim in Sri Lanka. It is said that the campaigning was racial in the eastern province and the TNA and the SLMC tried their best to woe the Tamil and Muslim voters respectively but were not very successful in their attempts. These two parties are nothing but communal parties though it is not mentioned by the so called political analysts. They are single issue parties and are confined to certain areas in the country.

The only two national parties are the UPFA and the UNP, though some insignificant political parties especially from the left claim that they are also national parties. However though they are given prominence by the media they are confined to less than 0.01 percent of the population and as far as elections are concerned they are only also ran parties. The JVP has to be satisfied with its three percent of votes and the secretary of the party with the other leaders could only say that the “real politics” whatever is meant by that is determined by the mass struggles and not by elections in the western democratic way.

As far as these parties of the “new left” are concerned they still live in the revolutionary dreams but as proved by the so called Arab Spring it is not necessary to have a local movement to instigate a “revolution” in a country and the parties such as the JVP could be used by their enemies in the capitalist world to safeguard their interests in the so called third world. The western countries have come a long way after the Russian Revolution, and now they know how to manipulate the so called working class parties to keep the capitalist system going.

The only role the JVP and their brake away groups could play is very limited and confined to being agents of the capitalists or the western powers as we see them, though it appears to be a contradiction. However, it appears to be a contradiction only from the point of view of class politics but these parties who depend on western knowledge have no alternative.

The strikes by various trade unions including that of FUTA had no say whatsoever in the elections and I wonder why the FUTA did not campaign in the provincial council elections for their six percent of the GDP for the education in the three provinces. I remember people such as Prof. Sarachchandra campaigning against the educational policies of Mr. Iriyagolla and the UNP, though both the UNP and leadership including some leaders of FUTA who wanted to contest elections from the UNP, not long ago, have forgotten the antagonisms FUTA had had with UNP administrations, and the effectiveness of those campaigns by the academics.

However, FUTA is now reduced to an organization that has to depend on the JVP and the UNP to organize their rallies thinking of an “Academic Spring” reminding us the role played by organizations that use western knowledge as formulated by the intellectuals of those countries. It is very clear the people have ignored completely the FUTA strike and their demand of the six percent of the GDP for education, in the North Central, Sabaragamuwa and the Eastern Provinces. These provinces cannot claim to have the best educational facilities in the country, and the academics whether they are intellectuals or not should be able to realize that the people have totally ignored the FUTA demand on the improvement of education. The people are smart enough to understand that in spite of the rhetoric FUTA is only after a salary increase for the lecturers and the people though they may not be intellectuals cannot be fooled by the FUTA leadership.

Leaving apart the intellectuals and other strikers it is clear that the UPFA or SLFP led alliances have become the ruling party of Sri Lanka making UNP the alternative. The SLFP led coalitions have ruled the country for more than half of the existence of the SLFP and the latter has been able to produce leaders who understand the country much better than those in the UNP. The SLFP can attract more than sixty five percent of the Sinhala Buddhists and had the SLFP leadership responsible for selection of candidates had acted differently in the Trincomalee district the UPFA could have defeated the TNA in that district.

Having consolidated their position among the Sinhala people in the country the SLFP led coalitions, though the constituents differ from one coalition to another, is now gaining the support of the Tamils also gradually. The Muslims have voted for the SLFP from the beginning but here again there appears to be a better acceptance by the Muslim community of the SLFP led coalitions. The SLFP is on the way of being a national party accepted by all the communities but they should not forget that the Sinhala people who have fought for independence from the Dutch and the English, expect the party to win total independence to the country.

Though some intellectuals and others talk of a Sinhala Buddhist Supremacy, there is nothing as such and the Sinhala Buddhists are still fighting to gain the recognition that should be given to their culture. This is totally misrepresented by the agents of the western countries whether they are Liberals or Marxists as a Sinhala Buddhist Supremacy. There is of course a western Christian supremacy in this country as could be seen in the spheres of education, economics and politics and the Muslims and the Tamils in the country also would be benefitted if we were able to defeat the western Christian supremacy. The western countries would try hard to maintain the western Christian supremacy and it is clear that at least a significant section of the Catholic and Christians among the Sinhalas have understood that the Sinhala Buddhists are not against their religion but are fighting the cultural colonialism imposed by the west. It is unfortunate that the so called intellectuals have failed to understand the difference between the culture and religion.

It is futile for the SLMC and the TNA to engage in communal politics and what they should do is to support the UPFA in the eastern province to develop the area without being agents of any foreign powers. The Tamils and the Muslims in Sri Lanka have to live with the Sinhalas and not with the Tamils in Tamil Nadu or Muslims in some other country. By recognizing the heritage of the Sinhala Buddhists in the eastern province, neither the Tamils nor the Muslims would lose their respect and they should not be misled by the struggle of the Sinhala people against the western Christian supremacy. Some Muslims and Tamils are being used by the western powers and all that the Sinhala people especially the Sinhala Buddhists expect from the former is to recognize that the Sinhala Buddhist culture though not the dominant culture is the significant culture as far as the history and the future of the country are concerned.

The Sinhala Buddhists are tolerant of other religions and other cultures and the Tamils and the Muslims in the country are better off by recognizing the significance of the Sinhala Buddhist culture than by being under the dominance of the western Christian culture imposed on us through the education and media controlled by the westerners. There are many Sinhala people who understand what is happening of the Arabic world in spite of the propaganda by the western media and what has to be recognized is that the western Christian culture is working against the humanity in general and the western Christian modernity is not the friend of the humanity in contradiction to what their intellectuals preach. The election results of the eastern province provincial council have forced the TNA and the SLMC to think differently giving up their communal politics.


Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Saturday, 3 December 2011

White flag saga

The verdict on white flag story has been given and I suppose that it is not subjudice any more. Many people, especially of the middle class who generally vote UNP, would say that they respect the verdict given by the courts but would fight to see that Sarath Fonseka is allowed to go home. They would most probably not request a Presidential Pardon as they believe that the President should have intervened at the very beginning and taken steps to prevent the arrest of Sarath Fonseka. However, there was a group of people among this middle class who thought that niceties of the Roman Dutch legal system were not for them. Most probably for the first time in the history of the western type courts in Sri Lanka, after the verdict was given by the high court judges, some lawyers have taken upon themselves the task of protesting against the judgment in an unruly manner to say the least, reminding us throwing of stones at the houses of Judges during the J. R. Jayawardhene regime. It is reported that the President of the three member panel of judges had expressed her concern over such behaviour, and pointed out that if the said lawyers did not agree with the judgment they could have appealed against it. We have to condemn the action of these lawyers unreservedly as if the lawyers behave like the lawmakers the courts would not be able to interpret the law independent of non legal influences.

In any event the story is spread that the former General was arrested since the at least one of the Rajapakses did not like him contesting the Presidential Elections. There are many a middle class people who would buy that story and talk big of democratic values being eroded under the Rajapakses. Unfortunately what these champions of democracy do not consider is the gravity of the statement made by Sarath Fonseka, and that democracy in any form does not guarantee the freedom of wild donkeys (val buru nidahasa). Perhaps Sarath Fonseka was new to the game of politics and did not know where to draw the line. At the Presidential Election campaign he came out with verbal diarrhea to such an extent people were more interested in identifying the zoo of animals, such as hothambuva the former general referred to. Of course he came out with the white flag story at Ratnapura, Ambalngoda, in the process of his election campaign, and the electronic media gave wide publicity to Fonseka’s rhetoric including the infamous story referred to above..

When I first heard the white flag saga from some of the news media I thought that the former General should have been taken into custody. In fact at a meeting held in Kurunegala during the Presidential Elections, I referred to the white flag story by the former General and suggested that he should be taken into custody as early as possible. However, the former general was in the middle of a Presidential election campaign and probably the government thought that it was not the ideal time to bring him before a court of law. Perhaps the government wanted the verdict of the people before any action was taken, and if the voters had sympathized with the former General he could have been elected the President. However, it was not to be the case, and we did not have to turn to be animals of a zoo.

The UNP and the JVP did not have anybody in their ranks capable of contesting Mr. Mahinda Rajapakse, and had to form a makeshift alliance and nominate Sarath Fonseka as their Presidential candidate. We now know that the JVP had not been unanimous in their choice and a section, now generally called the dissidents, had opposed it. It is clear that the choice of Sarath Fonseka has accelerated the splitting of the JVP and the former General who was a high ranking officer in the armed forces during the JVP terrorism in the late eighties could be happy at least on the score of his contribution to the split. I am sure that the JVP has mixed feelings on the outcome of the trial but most probably the dissidents would not comment claiming that they are not interested in the verdicts of bourgeois courts of law.

The UNP on the other hand is determined to see that the former General is given a pardon but it is Sarath Fonseka who would have to pardon the UNP for his imprisonment. Had the UNP decided to field Ranil Wickremasinghe as their Presidential candidate he could have easily lost another election after making sweet statements such as “pas dun rata” and demonstrating to the electorate how far he is from the history and culture of the country. Nevertheless I enjoy his utterances in the English Parliamentary tradition and it may be that displaying posters during the budget speech is his “radical” way of expressing protest. The government MPs should have left him and his boys alone as these protests are not going to make any impact on the people. The protests only give self satisfaction to the UNP that is not capable of organizing any movement against the government. If the government MPs had taken no notice of the posters the matter would have ended up that evening without initiating a discussion on bogus democracy.

The UNP and the JVP had to turn to Sarath Fonseka as nationalism has grown to such an extent only Sarath Fonseka who had been the commander of the army when the LTTE was defeated militarily (politically under the leadership of the President) could even think of giving a fight to Mr. Mahinda Rajapakse. However, unfortunately Sarath Fonseka had begun to think that it was he who was responsible for the defeat of the LTTE forgetting that even Nandimitras, Velusumans and Sapumal Kuamrayas are not ranked with the respective kings who gave the political leadership in the respective wars. I know that it could be said that those days the kings not only gave political leadership but were actually involved in the war in the battle field. However, what is forgotten is that these days even the army commanders are not supposed to move into the battle field as the subordinate officers now lead the rank and file physically in the battle.

In any event it is clear that Sarath Fonseka made the infamous statement on White Flags perhaps due to egoistic feelings. Even if somebody had actually instructed Major General Shavendra de Silva to shoot those who came with White Flags, it is a crime for Sarath Fonseka to publicly come out with the story as whether he knew it or not, or whether he was bypassed or not thus hurting his ego, he as the commander of the army was ultimately responsible for any action of his army. If no instructions had been given to the Major General, then it is a worst crime to cook up a story to discredit the army which he commanded quoting an unnamed journalist. Either way Sarath Fonseka had become a tool in the hands of the western forces who are hell bent on discrediting the President, the Secretary of Defense in particular and the armed forces in general. I was intrigued by the fact that so much depended on the evidence of Ms. Frederica Janz when everybody who watched news broadcasts during that period heard and saw Sarath Fonseka making those statements on white flags without any inhibition. I who does not read Sunday Leader had come to the conclusion that Sarath Fonseka should be arrested after watching the news broadcasts, and during the trial I wondered what happened to all the footages that showed Sarath Fonseka at his worst during the election campaign. However, I cannot comment further as I am not an expert in the intricacies of law.


Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva

Thursday, 20 October 2011

Why UNP lost Colombo Municipal Council

It is the UNP that captured the most number of “seats” in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) but the fact remains that though the party polled more votes than any other party it could not win at least 50% of the valid vote, forgetting such exotic figures as two third majority 65% of the vote etc. The UNP has been able to secure 24 “seats” out of 53, and even Tissa Attanayake the grand theorist of the party would admit that 24 is less than half of 53. The General Secretary of the UNP is on record saying that the UNP has commenced its journey towards victory in the Parliament having captured the Colombo Municipal Council. He has apparently said that it is the end of journey for the UPFA but what he has forgotten is that it is not even an “ambalama” in the downward journey of the UNP under non Sinhala Buddhist leadership in a cultural sense. The UNP as they say has been able to come to power in a hung council both in English and Sinhala idioms. In Sinhala they have a “hun” (hum) or skin council without flesh and the fact that Ranil Wickremesinghe had to end abruptly the press conference held to announce the names of the Mayor and Deputy Mayor elect shows that there are more internal problems that the party has to face than what Tissa Attanayake is prepared to accept. If the UNP does not take into account the changes that Sri Lankan polity has gone through as a result of the “Jathika Vyaparaya” during the last three decades in spite of the cultural changes that J R Jayawardhane was able to carry out, it will lose even the skin in time to come.

The local government elections held in three phases due to various reasons have established the SLFP led coalition as the ruling party of Sri Lanka and the other parties are being reduced to “also ran” status. I am not bothered of western type democracy which is nothing but hypocrisy, and it is time that we evolved our own methods of government without resorting to so called multiparty or dual party political systems. The enemies and also those who pretend to be friends of the SLFP are busy with pontificating Milinda Moragoda that he lost because the SLFP did not consider the so called multi ethnic factor and that the party should take multiethnic character of the Sri Lankan polity. These so called political scientists and political analysts who at one stage shouted from roof tops that the LTTE could not be defeated militarily and that no party in Sri Lanka could obtain a two third majority with the multiethnic character and the proportional system introduced by J R Jayawardhane are now being forced to admit that the SLFP polls around 65% of the vote in many electorates.

It is to the credit of the Jathika Vyaparaya that it was this movement which first said that the LTTE could and should be defeated after analyzing the role of the western forces as well as the Indian Intelligence Unit RAW, if not the Indian government, going against the wisdom of the political scientists, the political analysts, the military analysts who could be compared with those who coach others to swim without getting into the water, so called conflict analysts etc. The wisdom they wanted to pour on us was what they had obtained from the western “experts” and from the very beginning the Jathika Vyaparaya of the last three decades was not bothered of this expert opinion. The Jathika Vyaparaya was also able to show that if the SLFP or a SLFP led coalition could poll about 80% of the Sinhala vote it could obtain the two third majority which was “shown” to be elusive by the pundits who had their training at Peradeniya and other such western places. Of course the Jathika Vyaparaya had taken into consideration not only the demography of Sri Lanka but also other factors such “bonus seats” introduced by J R Jayawardhane in order to make the UNP the ruling party of Sri Lanka for ever forgetting the “anicca’ that he would have read without coming out of the Christian culture he was more familiar with.

The SLFP has now consolidated its power base among the Sinhalas especially the Sinhala Buddhists and even with people such as Sajith Premadasa and Karu Jayasuriya who are only pseudo nationalists the party has no future. People such as Dayasiri Jayasekera who was an undergraduate of the University of Colombo while I was teaching there and debating with so called political analysts who do not analyze but only describe, would have a better chance but I am not concerned with the political systems introduced by the British in the name of the democracy. My concern with the SLFP is also limited and I am only using this experience to work out a political system without political parties. The SLFP is a party driven by the people and unlike other political parties, whose policies are decided according to western theories whether liberal or Marxist, it is amenable to the public opinion and in that sense it is the “political party” of the Jathikathva though there is a contradiction here as there cannot be political parties in Jathikathva. However, contradictions are essential except in dry Aristotelian systems and we are experiencing a transitional period in the words of S W R D Bandaranaike that could prolong for another fifty years or so.

The SLFP having consolidated its position among the Sinhala people is now in the process of building confidence among the Tamils and Muslims. The CMC election result is a case in point. It is very well known that the Sinhalas are in a minority in the Colombo Municipality and everybody expected a walkover for the UNP. The Sinhalas do not constitute more than 35% of the population in the municipal areas and even if 80% of them voted for the SLFP led UPFA it would not have polled more than 28% of the vote, if some Tamils and Muslims had not voted for the coalition. In Colombo Municipal area there are many Colombians, if I may use that very apt word introduced by my friend Gomin Dayasiri, among the Sinhalas as well, and it is unlikely that they voted for the UPFA. Thus the 32.5% of the valid vote polled by the UPFA indicates that at least some Tamils and Muslims are now voting for the UPFA and at the same time UNP is losing them.

As the political pundits say traditionally the “minorities” have voted for the UNP but the CMC election results indicate that they are now turning away from the UNP. That is the reason for the defeat of the UNP at the CMC elections and even if one adds the 11.07% of the vote polled by Mano Ganeshan, the combined UNP - DPF vote comes to 54.08% which is not very impressive to say the least, having taking into consideration the Colombian factor. The SLFP led coalition having consolidated its position among the Sinhala Buddhists first, and then the Sinhala Christians has now begun to attract the Tamils and the Muslims. The ordinary Tamils and Muslims cannot expect anything from the UNP and they are beginning to realize that their future is among the Sinhalas and not among the racist Tamil leaders. The election results are a massage to the TNA as well as the western pundits who come to Sri Lanka meet a few Colombians and write unlearned thesis on the so called ethnic problem, post conflict Sri Lanka, post war situation etc., and of course to the Sri Lankan political pundits who advise Milinda Moragoda to consider the so called ethnic factor. It is a lesson to the Sinhalas as well, as the Tamils and the Muslims would unite with the Sinhalas only if the Sinhalas are united first. The SLFP led UPFA has been able to unite more than 75% of the Sinhalas around the betel leaf which symbolizes nationality at elections, and the CMC is not the beginning of the end as Tissa Attanayake envisages for the UPFA but it is not even an “ambalama” in the downslide motion of the UNP.

Copyright Prof. Nalin De Silva